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This chapter considers what are called here the founding myths of the antisemites. It explains that antisemites considered the introduction into Austria of modernising, secularising, economic, social and political reforms – in short, liberalism – as a step that damaged what they considered to be natural Austrian phenomena – a hierarchical social system, feudal, guild-based economics, and a privileged place in society for the Roman Catholic Church. The chapter examines these claims, setting out how Austria, and particularly Vienna, evolved from around the mid-nineteenth century, into a period of liberal reforms and liberal political ascendency. It examines how a weakening Austrian Empire was beaten in war and called on liberals to modernise the state.
On local economics, see Steig, Laud’s Laboratory , ch. 5. 14 SRO D/D/Ca 297, Batcombe 1634. 15 TNA State Papers 16/356, fols 172–4, 16/354, fol. 345; 16/361 fol. 25
interconnectedness of ‘the devotional’ with one’s full experience of the world: politics, theology, society, controversy, economics, vocation, family, and more. Attempts to address religious thought or pious activity in isolation from these broader categories obscure the frameworks and circumstances into which these practices spoke, and from which they gained meaning. Only by treating ‘the
effects of a banking crash then spread from the United States across western Europe into Vienna, bringing business failures and unemployment. 4 The liberal response was laissez-faire economics: to do nothing. By the time something was done, liberal claims of economic know-how were weakened. Prominent liberals and their supporters also became mired in scandals that involved public money, further damaging liberal reputations. These events were far from decisive in the decline of the liberals, but they undermined their standing. Luckily for them, in the 1870s organised
– the conurbation fascinated and alarmed commentators from Frederic Engels to Benjamin Disraeli, the latter judging Manchester ‘as great a human exploit as Athens’. 1 As Disraeli’s observation hinted, Manchester also exemplified a shift in cultural dynamics, with its manufacturing, trading, and labouring interests flexing their political and intellectual muscles in the century of Peterloo, the Anti-Corn Law League, and the ‘Manchester School’ of liberal economics. Historians dispute the religious
14 The ‘greening’ of Cardinal Manning Fergal Casey Henry Edward Manning, son of a governor of the Bank of England, graduate of Harrow and Oxford, ended his life being denounced for home rule politics and socialistic economics. Manning expected to ‘sink to the bottom and disappear’1 when he resigned as Anglican archdeacon of Chichester in 1850 before converting to Catholicism, but in 1865 the pope personally intervened to appoint him archbishop of Westminster and leader of the Catholic Church in England, and in 1875 created him a cardinal. Manning’s increasing
105 4 US aid and the creation of an Irish scientific research infrastructure Introduction This chapter broadens out the focus from Irish sociology to examine Irish scientific research. Its central theme is the way in which resources provided or jointly controlled by US actors underpinned the development of a modern scientific research infrastructure within the state in the period after the Second World War. The scientific fields principally affected by these financial injections were applied research related to agriculture, industry and economics. Money flowed
]e were asked to what extent research was conducted in fields other the economics. The Minister for External Affairs referred to the Institute for Advanced Studies, the Industrial Research and Standards Institute, the Agricultural Institute and medical research.’6 Given the Foundation’s backing for EPA programmes, reference to the HSC as an example of positive Irish engagement with that agency’s promotion of research would surely have been advantageous to the case being put on this occasion. Muintir proposes a Rural Sociological Research Centre While the HSC proposal
foreigners’ with immediate measures of support within their own universities. Their collective response, however, orchestrated by William Beveridge, Director of the London School of Economics, was the launch on 24 May 1933 of the Academic Assistance Council (AAC), the most influential of a series of bodies designed to assist the displaced academics in finding alternative work in Britain.7 While at once offering practical assistance to academics, the AAC felt obliged to act with caution and, along with most other institutions, within the framework of British immigration
could not ‘remain aloof from the world of the machine’. 9 However, as Oxford 1937 had shown, Christian opinions on the social order varied widely. Conference reports sought a compromise: the Church should not engage directly in politics but could still ‘judge’ society, economics and politics in the light of the gospel. 10 But it was also emphatically stressed that Christians had a ‘duty’ to scrutinise ‘the institutional framework of organized society’ according to the ‘canons of their faith’. 11 Oldham and his companions accepted this