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Sabine Clarke

addressed by ‘fundamental research’. 31 It was appropriate for government to make a contribution to general investigations or fundamental research as this would potentially benefit an entire sector of industry. The investigation of issues that were not broad or basic enough to be termed ‘fundamental research’ but were specific to the processes or output of one firm should not benefit from public funds. Government needed to avoid the implication that it favoured any individual company. In the first half of the 1940s, officials in the Economics

in Science at the end of empire
Sentiment and affect in mid-twentiethcentury development volunteering
Agnieszka Sobocinska

developing their country … I feel that I could make no better use of the professional knowledge which I have than in such a country’. 52 Among the most conceptually sophisticated applicants was twenty-six-year-old Hugh Francis Owen, who applied in 1959 to work in a teaching or economics advisory capacity. He listed a number of reasons for applying, among them ‘Because I understand that a trained person can help Indonesia in

in Humanitarianism, empire and transnationalism, 1760–1995
Abstract only
Romain Fathi, Margaret Hutchison, Andrekos Varnava, and Michael J. K. Walsh

). 7 Philip A. Grant, ‘President Warren G. Harding and the British war debt question, 1921–1923’, Presidential Studies Quarterly , 25:3 (1995), 479–87. 8 On British and imperial post-war economics and finances, see Peter J. Cain and Antony G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: 1688–2015 , 3rd edn (London: Taylor & Fancis 2016), pp. 441

in Exiting war
Abstract only
A Short History of Guinea and its impact on early British abolitionism
Trevor Burnard

slavery was not only morally distasteful but also economically inefficient. Economics and morality thus went together to encourage people to attack slavery. A third explanation fuses these two views, suggesting that the increasing penetration of Enlightenment beliefs about human rights into British society, as well as changing views about what the possibilities were for activist Christians to effect moral reform at home and abroad, led

in Humanitarianism, empire and transnationalism, 1760–1995
Bronwen Everill

–227. 14 See, for instance, the literature on trust and indirect rule, Dozie Okoye, ‘Things Fall Apart? Missions, Institutions, and Interpersonal Trust’, available from , accessed 13 July 2020. 15 Lindsay Doulton, ‘The Royal Navy’s Anti-Slavery Campaign in the Western Indian Ocean, c

in Humanitarianism, empire and transnationalism, 1760–1995
Amnesty International in Australia
Jon Piccini

honest opinions regarding matters of economics, politics, morality, religion or race is not a good and sufficient reason’ to justify imprisonment, and ‘no person should be penalised for refusing to obey a law … which infringes the[se] principles’. 77 The Australians’ arguments reflected a much wider debate in Amnesty globally. Internationally, the organisation was convulsed with internal conflict over the

in Humanitarianism, empire and transnationalism, 1760–1995
The Negro Education Grant and Nonconforming missionary societies in the 1830s
Felicity Jensz

, viz: ‘unless our people have to pay for a thing, they do not value it’. 122 Thus, the question of fees was not merely one of economics, but one of moral value. Unsurprisingly, the term ‘liberal and comprehensive principles’ was taken up with enthusiasm by missionary organisations. In their correspondence with the Colonial Office in March 1835 the CMS and the WMMS both

in Missionaries and modernity
Felicity Jensz

schooling. There was much diversity in what missionaries taught and to whom, with the practicalities of education – including aspects of the curriculum, the language of instruction, the location of the physical school, as well as the economics of these schools – varying throughout the British Empire. Such a heterogeneous landscape made a universal plan for schooling across colonies never an obtainable

in Missionaries and modernity
Experts and the development of the British Caribbean, 1940–62
Author: Sabine Clarke

This book produces a major rethinking of the history of development after 1940 through an exploration of Britain’s ambitions for industrialisation in its Caribbean colonies. Industrial development is a neglected topic in histories of the British Colonial Empire, and we know very little of plans for Britain’s Caribbean colonies in general in the late colonial period, despite the role played by riots in the region in prompting an increase in development spending. This account shows the importance of knowledge and expertise in the promotion of a model of Caribbean development that is best described as liberal rather than state-centred and authoritarian. It explores how the post-war period saw an attempt by the Colonial Office to revive Caribbean economies by transforming cane sugar from a low-value foodstuff into a lucrative starting compound for making fuels, plastics and medical products. In addition, it shows that as Caribbean territories moved towards independence and America sought to shape the future of the region, scientific and economic advice became a key strategy for the maintenance of British control of the West Indian colonies. Britain needed to counter attempts by American-backed experts to promote a very different approach to industrial development after 1945 informed by the priorities of US foreign policy.

Gordon Pirie

Britain than any European airlines had done for their host countries, excepting perhaps KLM. In due course, he wrote, Britain’s Empire airline would create a national prestige and reputation for air transport comparable to that first gained at sea. 15 Economics Lord Amulree defended the policy of slow-but-sure in 1931, shortly after the embarrassing hiccup of the first airmail

in Air empire