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addressed by ‘fundamental research’. 31 It was appropriate for government to make a contribution to general investigations or fundamental research as this would potentially benefit an entire sector of industry. The investigation of issues that were not broad or basic enough to be termed ‘fundamental research’ but were specific to the processes or output of one firm should not benefit from public funds. Government needed to avoid the implication that it favoured any individual company. In the first half of the 1940s, officials in the Economics
In January 1967, Walter Adams, principal of the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (hereafter the UCR), was appointed as the new director of the London School of Economics (hereafter LSE). 1 In an immediate response, LSE students occupied the Old Theatre building to protect what they construed as the most multiracial university in Britain from having a director
developing their country … I feel that I could make no better use of the professional knowledge which I have than in such a country’. 52 Among the most conceptually sophisticated applicants was twenty-six-year-old Hugh Francis Owen, who applied in 1959 to work in a teaching or economics advisory capacity. He listed a number of reasons for applying, among them ‘Because I understand that a trained person can help Indonesia in
difficult economic situation in the United Kingdom in this period. As in the 1960s, migration decisions were motivated not only by economics but also by a sense of relative opportunity and a perception of British decline. The sense of national decline in the United Kingdom described in Chapter 5 was exacerbated by the economic difficulties of the 1970s and as before was often linked to the presence of people of colour. Given that the 1971 Immigration Act had placed restrictions on the migration of people of colour from the
). 7 Philip A. Grant, ‘President Warren G. Harding and the British war debt question, 1921–1923’, Presidential Studies Quarterly , 25:3 (1995), 479–87. 8 On British and imperial post-war economics and finances, see Peter J. Cain and Antony G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: 1688–2015 , 3rd edn (London: Taylor & Fancis 2016), pp. 441
slavery was not only morally distasteful but also economically inefficient. Economics and morality thus went together to encourage people to attack slavery. A third explanation fuses these two views, suggesting that the increasing penetration of Enlightenment beliefs about human rights into British society, as well as changing views about what the possibilities were for activist Christians to effect moral reform at home and abroad, led
the End of Empire ( London : Biteback , 2019 ). 35 See Joel Carr, Joanna Clifton-Sprigg, Jonathan James and Suncica Vujic, Love Thy Neighbour? Brexit Hate Crime ( Bonn : Institute of Labor Economics , 2000
–227. 14 See, for instance, the literature on trust and indirect rule, Dozie Okoye, ‘Things Fall Apart? Missions, Institutions, and Interpersonal Trust’, available from https://economics.uwo.ca/newsletter/new2014/Okoye_jun20.pdf , accessed 13 July 2020. 15 Lindsay Doulton, ‘The Royal Navy’s Anti-Slavery Campaign in the Western Indian Ocean, c
honest opinions regarding matters of economics, politics, morality, religion or race is not a good and sufficient reason’ to justify imprisonment, and ‘no person should be penalised for refusing to obey a law … which infringes the[se] principles’. 77 The Australians’ arguments reflected a much wider debate in Amnesty globally. Internationally, the organisation was convulsed with internal conflict over the
, viz: ‘unless our people have to pay for a thing, they do not value it’. 122 Thus, the question of fees was not merely one of economics, but one of moral value. Unsurprisingly, the term ‘liberal and comprehensive principles’ was taken up with enthusiasm by missionary organisations. In their correspondence with the Colonial Office in March 1835 the CMS and the WMMS both