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Security and defense realities of East-Central Europe
James W. Peterson and Jacek Lubecki

Pre-history: East-Central Europe prior to the nineteenth century and the emergence of modern empires – Poland’s partitions By around 1000 AD, the medieval entities of Bohemia/Moravia, Poland, and Hungary (but not Slovakia) emerged from the chaos of the early Middle Ages as Western (Latin) Christian states. For all three, their ethnic centers happened to correspond roughly to where the respective

in Defense policies of East-Central European countries after 1989
Marnie Hay

. “What can a handful of boys do against the great British Empire?”’ they shrugged. Others worried that the military training provided by the Fianna would inspire boys to join the British army. Still others found the youth group too extremist in its commitment to Irish nationalism. 2 Despite being faced with such negative attitudes, Na Fianna Éireann soldiered on, preparing boys (and some girls) for their future roles in the struggle for Irish independence. Between its establishment in 1909 and the end of the Irish Civil War in 1923, the

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23

How did the end of empire affect the projection of British identities overseas? British decolonisation is conventionally understood in terms of the liquidation of the colonial empire in the decades after the Second World War. But it also entailed simultaneous transformations to the self-representation of peoples and cultures all over the world, variously described as British, symbolised by the eclipse of the idea of ‘Greater Britain’. Originally coined by Charles Dilke’s 1868 travelogue of the same name, Greater Britain enjoyed widespread currency throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, before falling into disuse from the 1930s. But Greater British modes of thought, feeling and action persisted into the second half of the twentieth century, becoming embroiled in the global upheavals of imperial decline. Over a remarkably short time span, the ideas, assumptions and networks that had sustained an uneven and imperfectly imagined British world dissolved under the weight of the empire’s precipitate demise. Although these patterns and perspectives have been explored across a range of specific local and national contexts, this collection is the first to examine the wider mesh of interlocking British subjectivities that unravelled at empire’s end.

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Islam, modernity and foreign policy
Author: Ayla Göl

Turkish facing east is about the importance of Turkey’s relations with its Eastern neighbours – Azerbaijan, Armenia and the Soviet Union - during the emergence of the modern Turkish nation-state from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. The originality of Turkey facing east lies in part in its theoretically informed analysis of history exploring the causal links between the construction of a modern nation-state, secular identity and nationalised foreign policy during the transition from an Islamic Empire to a modern state. The role of the Islamic legacy, territorial unity and national identity construction are re-examined in order to understand the complexity of a long historical and sociological process. Hence, the principal strength of this book is that not only it combines historical and theoretical arguments in order to provide a better understanding of the foreign relations of a Muslim country from a critical and interdisciplinary perspective but also applies the new approach to the analysis of Turkish foreign policy towards the South Caucasus between 1918 and 1921. Turkey facing east stands out with its original interdisciplinary approach to the critical analysis of Turkish transition and foreign policy making that offers perspectives on the extant possibilities for the particular transitional states resulting from the Arab spring uprisings.

The lives of Lewis Namier
Author: D. W. Hayton

Lewis Namier was one of the most important historians of the twentieth century. His work on the politics of the 1760s, based on the ‘scientific’ analysis of a mass of contemporary documents, and emphasising the material and psychological elements of human motivation, was seen by contemporaries as ’revolutionary’ and remains controversial. It gave a new word to the English language: to Namierise. Moreover, Namier played a major role in public affairs, in the Foreign Office, 1915–20, and in the Zionist Organisation in the 1930s, and was close to many of the leading figures of his day. This is the first biography of Namier for half a century, and the first to integrate all aspects of his life and thought. Based on a comprehensive range of sources, including the entire corpus of Namier’s writings, it provides a full account of his background, examines his role in politics and reconstructs his work as a historian, showing the origins and development of his ideas about the past, and the subjects which preoccupied him: nationalism, empire, and the psychology of individuals and groups. Namier’s life and writings illuminate many of the key events of the twentieth century, his belief in the power of nationalism and the importance of national territory, foreshadowing problems which still beset our own world.

Rockets, guns and kidney machines, 1970–83

Forty years before Covid-19, socialists in Britain campaigned so that workers could have the right to make ‘socially useful’ products, from hospital equipment to sustain the NHS to affordable heating systems for impoverished elderly people. This movement held one thing responsible above all else for the nation’s problems: the burden of defence spending. In the middle of the Cold War, the left put a direct challenge to the defence industry, Labour government and trade unions. The response it received revealed much about a military-industrial state that prioritised the making and exporting of arms for political favour and profit.

The British left and the defence economy takes a fine-grained look at peace activism between the early 1970s and Labour’s landslide general election defeat in 1983, incorporating activism, politics and the workplace to demonstrate the conflict over the economic cost of Britain’s commitment to the Cold War. Moving away from the perception that the peace movement was ‘post-materialist’ or above the crises of postwar deindustrialisation and unemployment, this book asserts that the wider left presented a comprehensive, detailed and implementable alternative to the stark choice of making weapons or joining the dole queue.

This book will be invaluable to lecturers and students studying the history and politics of postwar Britain. It challenges many widely accepted conclusions, including the ‘abandonment’ of social democracy and Britain’s inability to ‘find a role’ after the loss of its empire. This account provides a glimpse at an alternative future, one based on human-centred, environmentally friendly production with lessons for our own times.

Gerasimos Gerasimos

This chapter provides a broad introduction to the politics of migration in the Middle East, from the colonial era to the present day, paying particular attention to the importance of state policies. There are, roughly, four time periods in the evolution of the Middle East migration system that should be discussed: the colonial period, encompassing the era of the Ottoman Empire and the colonial Mandate period that ended, roughly, in the years following the end of World War Two. This is a period characterised by a rather free circulation of

in Migration diplomacy in the Middle East and North Africa
Lea Bou Khater

’ associations operated under several laws issued by the Ottoman Empire between 1909 and 1912 governing associations and strike action. 2 The term ‘trade union’ first appeared in Lebanon in 1919 and therefore these early legal texts refer to workers’ organisations as associations. 3 Following the First World War, Lebanon was in a critical economic situation and the population had suffered long years of hunger. In reaction to difficult living conditions, the Association of Railway Workers went on strike in 1920 demanding a wage

in The labour movement in Lebanon
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The anatomy of break-up
Stuart Ward

apparently unchanged and permanent world’ and the ubiquitous traces of endemic decline. Employing Yeats’s aphorism ‘Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold’, he identified a pervasive dread that Britain ‘will be to the twenty-first century what Spain was to the eighteenth’. Indeed, of all the stages in any nation’s history, ‘the aftermath of Empire must be the hardest’. 2 Fifteen

in The break-up of Greater Britain
The (British) Commonwealth of Nations, decolonisation and the break-up of Greater Britain
Andrew Dilley

Commonwealth’s changing nature requires attention to practices of intergovernmental relations and the associated body of political thought, and for these to be set in a global context. Neither set-piece constitutional moments nor a whiggish approach which emphasises continuity over change will get us far, casting the Commonwealth, to use the words of Keith Hancock, as the British Empire defined ‘in

in The break-up of Greater Britain