Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 323 items for :

  • Manchester Religious Studies x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
Abstract only
David Hardiman

avoid any overlap, and it was considered reprehensible for one society to try to evangelise in the area of another. Each constituted a unit that can be described as a ‘little empire’, governed by missionaries located in a few strategic centres. The mission station provided a visual demonstration of Christian colonial values. There was the church, preferably built in stone in old English style, the hospital

in Missionaries and their medicine
Michael Carter-Sinclair

was telling. While the biggest risk seemed to be that Russia, the closest ally of Serbia, would likely retaliate with its own declaration of war against the Empire, testing its military strength, internal tensions and disunity were also potential threats to the Austrian war effort. Disputes between some of the nationally inclined political parties of the Empire were still unresolved at the outbreak of war, and cooperation between, say, the Germans of the Empire and its Slavs might be difficult to achieve. Members of the largest political movement in Vienna, the

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Stephen K. Batalden

The linkage of biblical translation with the development of the nation and the standardisation of spoken languages is not a new theme in scholarly studies of modern nationalism. 1 By extension, the issue of modern biblical translation also became drawn into the politics of empire. Whether explicitly stated or not, modern biblical translation often posed a challenge to imperial institutions, testing the limits of a national agenda, and illumining the relationship between empire and nation. I

in Chosen peoples
Abstract only
The Bible, race and empire in the long nineteenth century

Chosen peoples demonstrates how biblical themes, ideas and metaphors shaped narratives of racial, national and imperial identity in the long nineteenth century. Even and indeed especially amid spreading secularism, the development of professionalised science and the proclamation of ‘modernity’, biblical notions of lineage, descent and inheritance continued to inform understandings of race, nation and character at every level from the popular to the academic. Although new ideas and discoveries were challenging the historicity of the Bible, even markedly secular thinkers chose to explain their complex and radical ideas through biblical analogy. Denizens of the seething industrial cities of America and Europe championed or criticised them as New Jerusalems and Modern Babylons, while modern nation states were contrasted with or likened to Egypt, Greece and Israel. Imperial expansion prompted people to draw scriptural parallels, as European settler movements portrayed ‘new’ territories across the seas as lands of Canaan. Yet such language did not just travel in one direction. If many colonised and conquered peoples resisted the imposition of biblical narratives, they also appropriated biblical tropes to their own ends. These original case studies, by emerging and established scholars, throw new light on familiar areas such as slavery, colonialism and the missionary project, while opening up exciting cross-comparisons between race, identity and the politics of biblical translation and interpretation in South Africa, Egypt, Australia, America and Ireland. The book will be essential reading for academic, graduate and undergraduate readers in empire, race and global religion in the long nineteenth century.

Michael Carter-Sinclair

Czech-German relations: the Badeni Crisis Alongside their Christian character, Christian Socials displayed their credentials as a German movement, frequently proclaiming their ‘duty’ to protect the Volk . 1 They stated that this did not pit them against other nations – Jews excepted – and they sometimes extended their mission to cover the protection of ‘the Christian people’ of the Empire. These Christian and German aspects were not incompatible, but the nationalities clashes of the Empire did not bypass the largely Vienna-based Christian Socials of the

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Michael Carter-Sinclair

Revolution and Habsburg survival The antisemites of Vienna attempted to identify the pre-liberal era as a golden age of unchanging, eternal certainties. In reality, the liberal era was one of change, but changes that affected the Habsburg Empire in the 1860s had deep roots, the products of circumstances that had long been developing in much of Europe. Capitalist economies, for instance, had been maturing for decades on the west of the continent. They enabled industrial and commercial projects on a scale that had never before been seen. Investment brought new

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
A study of the Christian Social movement

Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites engages with and challenges some key narratives of one of the darkest periods in the history of Vienna; the rise and sustained presence of organised, politically directed antisemitism in the city between the late nineteenth century and the middle of the twentieth. Sketching out first the longer-term background, it then focuses on central players in the antisemitic Christian Social movement, which flourished through an ideology of exclusion and prejudice. The work is built on considerable original research into both bourgeois social organisations and activists from the lower clergy, but it also exposes the role played in the development of antisemitism by the senior clergy in Vienna. In addition to a close examination of the antisemitic aspects of the Christian Socials, it analyses how other major social debates in this period impacted on their development as a group: national struggles, especially the desire for German unification; responses to the waves of poverty and social unrest that swept over Europe; and conservative and clerical reactions to modernity, such as liberalism and democracy – debates with a resonance far beyond Vienna. Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites tells its story across this long period, and for the first time in such detail, to give room to the gestation in ‘respectable’ society of antisemitism, an ideology that seemed to be dying in the 1860s, but which was revived and given new strength from the 1880s onwards, even surviving challenges from the more widely known Red Vienna of the 1920s and 1930s.

Michael Carter-Sinclair

establish the rules for a new republic. Yet even the land that Austria occupied was disputed. Territories that many felt should be within Austria were seized by other states. Parts of Carinthia fell to Yugoslavia. 2 Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia were taken by Czechoslovakia, where Troppau, Aussig and Reichenberg, with majorities of German speakers, were renamed Opava, Ústí nad Labem and Liberec. Plebiscites were arranged in disputed areas of the old Empire. Burgenland voted to be part of Austria, not Hungary, a decision respected by the relevant governments and

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Abstract only
Michael Carter-Sinclair

collapse of the Habsburg Empire, in which they originated, and survived wars and revolution. 5 They persisted in their activities, first against the liberals of Vienna, then against the larger Social Democratic movement that rose in the city. They made the profession of antisemitic viewpoints a regular part of daily life in certain circles. They achieved their objective of antisemitism becoming a commonplace. For these reasons, and others, the Christian Socials have rightly been described as the ‘most successful modern political movement based on antisemitism to emerge

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Michael Carter-Sinclair

culture in the Empire. 57 This suggests that some attitudes towards Jews were still being formulated. Those of Jewish descent who were involved in the production of the manifesto included future Social Democratic leader Victor Adler, who had converted to Protestantism, so perhaps at least some antisemites believed at this stage that Jews could ‘become’ German by conversion. Or perhaps, at this stage, Schönerer and Pattai believed that Slavs were a bigger threat to German interests than Jews, something suggested by the proposal in the Linz Programme to secure the

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites