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biological. The issue being that this reinforcement of race as biology poses the basis for persisting inequalities and instances of racial discrimination. Cromer ( 2019 ) similarly, examines these processes of racialising reproductive tissue, but notes that in the US adoption agency for embryo adoption where she conducts her fieldwork, the term ‘ethnicity’ is used to describe categories that point to race (Cromer, 2019 ). She argues that this is similar to arguments scholars make when examining embryo transfers and adoption of children. Her research adds a further
difference, is an extension of the argument that ethnicity has been increasingly intertwined with market forces (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2009 ). Lawrence Cohen ( 2005 ) reformulated the pharmaceutical term of ‘bioavailability’ to conceive of the ways that political economic forces render certain bodies ‘available’ for new bioeconomic markets in increasingly partible bodies. What forces shape the tendency for certain bodies to provide parts, tissues, and organs, and certain others to receive them? Economic geographies, argues Carolin Schurr ( 2018
based on ‘genes’ (Gottweis and Kim, 2009 ; Simpson, 2000 ). Gottweis and Kim ( 2009 : 519), studying scientific fraud in human embryonic cloning explains that ‘bionationalism in Korea went beyond traditional ethnic nationalism insofar as the traditional ethnicity marker of “blood” became increasingly displaced by biologically and scientifically grounded concepts such as stem cell or the oocyte that were defined as “Korean”’. Wade et al. ( 2015 : 775) have shown how ‘genomic knowledge can unsettle and reinforce ideas of nation and race’ in various Latin American
races and ethnicities that South Africa offers. The colonial and apartheid history of the country is thereby turned into an asset in the global fertility business. The option for recipients to base their choice of a donor on extensive medical and personal information gives South Africa a competitive advantage on the international market, as in countries like Spain, where recipients are assigned a phenotypically matching donor. An agency owner put it aptly when she said: ‘South Africa is all about offering choice’ (Interview with agency owner, 2014). The possibility to
control policies had caste, religious and ethnic underpinnings in India, in South Africa the conversation around population control is deeply embedded in racial politics and apartheid policies. But, much as the chequered history of contraception in India does not start and end with the British impetus, the history of birth control in South Africa starts before the National Party's (NP – Afrikaner ethnic nationalist party that designed and implemented the apartheid state) preoccupation with apartheid and population control. An emphasis on selective reproduction, by race
Capitalism: The Reserve Army across Time and Space’, Critical Social Policy , 17:50 (1997), 27–52. 60 H. Flett, ‘Bureaucracy and Ethnicity: Notions of Eligibility to Public Housing’, in S. Wallman (ed.), Ethnicity at Work (London: Macmillan, 1979), pp. 135–52; A. Simpson, Stacking the Decks: A Study of
diverse, separated by identities such as class, gender or ethnicity, only occasionally coalescing as an imagined community in the minds of public reformers or welfare states. The resistant and divergent health behaviours of individuals and various groups arguably only fractured further any concept of a single ‘public’ in public health. The artificiality of ‘the’ public is also
second half of the twentieth century. As Mold et al. have explored, public health was impacted by broader social, political and economic change during the post-war period, which saw the creation of new identity categories, such as gender, ethnicity and sexuality, which segmented understandings of a collective ‘whole’. 11 The election of a Conservative government under Margaret Thatcher in 1979
intended not only to help individuals, but to improve the overall psychological health of the French nation – or, as she revealingly referred to it, the French ‘ ethnie ’ (race or ethnic group). She assumed an overwhelmingly white and culturally Catholic audience. She did not foreground the voices of people on the margins of French society or particularly seek to appeal to immigrant communities; working-class and immigrant areas were underrepresented in her mailbag. Her thinking was shaped in an era and a milieu that took for
’ are often inherently intersectional. ‘Medicalisation’ is thus not a singular system that operates on all women's bodies in the same way; instead it intersects with other modalities of socio-material power relations (Chadwick, 2018 ). As a result, scholars utilising the concept of obstetric violence have often provided rich intersectional analyses that demonstrate the multiple ways in which birth violence and medicalisation materialise in relation to structural inequalities of race, ethnicity, class, and other axes of marginalisation (Chadwick, 2017, 2018 ; Dixon