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Introduction Beginning in 1990, the small Central African country of Rwanda was shaken by a pro-democracy movement and a rebel invasion, led by exiled members of the minority Tutsi ethnic group. The government responded to the dual pressures of protest and war by offering political reforms while simultaneously seeking to regain popularity with the members of the majority Hutu group by stirring up anti-Tutsi ethnic sentiments. Both a number of new domestic human rights groups and international human rights organisations documented the regime’s repression of
collaborate with the state’ ( Vlassenroot and Raeymaekers, 2008 : 50). Governance is not a static ‘thing’, but a negotiated process between politicians, customary authorities, ethnic associations, social movements, armed groups, churches, multinational corporations, the national army and international and national NGOs. These negotiation arenas are informal: ‘embedded in social relations’ ( Hagmann and Péclard, 2010 : 551). In order to operate, MSF needs to build up and maintain an extensive network to communicate with, and receive security reassurances from, relevant
little more about my work and how the history of the Biafra war still affects Nigeria and the world. Bertrand: Can I just pick up a little bit on this Arua, because your work is very good at pointing out what Biafra or Biafran meant. In particular, you point out that within Biafra there was not a simple monolithic Igbo regime and that there were minority ethnic groups involved. So when one talks of a revival of Biafran autonomist politics today, does it strictly map on the
scant resources for health and other public services. This system had encouraged provincial leaders and military commanders’ growing demands for a share in state resources, and their using mutiny and violence as bargaing tools. To ensure the loyalty of their armed constituents while maintaining an uneven distribution of the spoils to their own benefit, local commanders relied on military units formed along tribal lines, giving the appearance of ethnic conflicts, or, as the
. Moreover, important topics or questions remain to be explored by further research, including the practical ways in which humanitarianism can engage in gender-transformative action, its complementarity to the longstanding work of feminist activists, and the relationship between humanitarian action and other cultural identity factors, such as race, ethnicity, class, caste, age, disability and legal status. Definitions Building on Enloe (2004 : 4
female interlocutors’ personal income is redistributed within kinship networks, who manages family resources and how women themselves benefit from the support of other family members. This approach, of course, draws inspiration from longstanding scholarship on the importance of kinship in the Middle East (cf. Joseph, 1994 , 2004 ) and the diversity and strength of ethnic, religious and regional groups in pre-war Syria ( Stevens, 2016 ). Before 2011, women cemented
stateless and the internally displaced, or the refugee from the local resident, each affected in their own way by the war. Other than his captions, there is little that distinguishes the refugees he photographed from other war-touched civilians he portrayed across Europe. Hine’s captions remain mute on the loss of political representation, or of the difficulties faced by some political, ethnic or religious groups versus others in (re)settling. This lack of detail may be the result of the broad and imprecise concept of refugees Hine was operating with. It is also a sign of
71 countries registering a reduction in political rights and civil liberties ( Freedom House, 2018 ). All of which puts the viability of global liberal institutions increasingly in doubt. This idea of a protected place where, regardless of one’s identity (ethnicity, nationality, religion, gender, sexuality, but also whether or not one is a dissident), one’s basic rights are secure is constitutively liberal. As fewer and fewer governments, and more and more people, view the existence of such a sanctuary within society as fanciful, illegitimate and
Different categories of civilians face different threats in different contexts and may be characterised by different vulnerabilities. For example, land activists have been particularly targeted in Colombia, and women are at greater risk of sexual violence than men in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Within the category of humanitarian staff, different individual profiles are exposed to different levels of risk according to, inter alia, age, ethnicity, gender
sexualities, gender identities, and gender expressions, and differentiations along lines of class, race, ethnicity, caste, nationality and ability, among others. To provide services to ‘men’ or ‘men and boys’ as if they were a monolithic category would be to repeat the mistakes that are often made in the provision of ‘women-friendly’ services, which in practice are often ‘straight and cisgender women-friendly’ ( Jolly, 2011 ; e.g. see Chynoweth, 2019b : 63). Trans women, trans