Kula, 3 September 1941, AVII, NDH/67, 3/20-1; and S. Trifković, ‘The Ustaša movement and European politics, 1929–1945’, unpublished dissertation, University of Southampton (1990), p. 223. In some cases, petrol was poured on the corpses by the Italian army and they were incinerated; see 1st HOP to RAVSIGUR, 21 September 1941, AVII, NDH/152, 5/43. Wing command of gendarmerie Bileća to 4th HOP, 27 November 1941, AVII, NDH/143a, 7/29-1; gendarmerie post Ravno to 4th HOP, 22 September 1941, AVII, NDH/143c, 3/30-1. A large number of reports exist, differing in their detail
Nation in Contemporary Eastern Europe ’, Eastern European Politics and Societies 8 ( 2 ): 225–255 . Vertovec , S. ( 1999 ) ‘ Conceiving and Researching Transnationalism ’, Ethnic and Racial Studies 25 ( 1 ): 21–42 .
). For a more extensive analysis of the post-war silence in the Kulen Vakuf region about Muslim civilians massacred by Serb insurgents in 1941, see Max Bergholz, ‘The strange silence: explaining the absence of monuments for Muslim civilians killed in Bosnia during the Second World War’, East European Politics and Societies, 24:3 (summer 2010), 408–34. Polovina, Svedočenje, pp. 91–2. See, for example, Jelić-Butić, Ustaše i Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, 1941–1945; Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945; see also Dulić, Utopias of Nation, which is a newer
competitions, like the CONIFA World Cup or Island Games, that provide additional space for micro-states or unrecognised nations to place themselves on the world stage. The growth of the European Union, in particular, has provided new opportunities for actors to participate in European political action (Tarrow, 1995; Della Porta and Tarrow, 2005). As Della Porta and Diani (2006: 44) argue, ‘the presence of supranational entities tends to change the criteria according to which actors define themselves, as well as their strategies’. UEFA, the European football federation, is a
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, their rhetoric is also often strongly anti-feminist. As Graff and colleagues ( 2019 ) argue ‘Gender conservatism … is what brings together right-wing activists from otherwise distant walks of life; believers and nonbelievers, nationalists and universalists, populists who demonize global capitalism and traditional Reagan/Thatcher style conservatives with a neocon love for the market’ (Graff et al. 2019 : 541). On the recent European political landscape, this opposition to ‘gender ideology’ has become a ‘symbolic glue’ for illiberal forces, increasing their strength