The career, mental world and writings of Regino, abbot of Prüm, were all defined by the Carolingian empire and, more particularly, by its end. The high Ottonian period of the mid-tenth century also witnessed a revival of historiography, exemplified by the work of the two major authors who wrote about the rise of the dynasty. The first of these was Liutprand of Cremona, whose Antapodosis, a history of European politics from 888 until around 950, and Historia Ottonis, a focused account of events surrounding Otto's imperial coronation, were both written in the earlier 960s. The second was Adalbert, who most probably wrote his continuation to the Chronicle in 967/968. Regino's Chronicle, dedicated to Bishop Adalbero of Augsburg in the year 908, was the last work of its kind for several decades, and as such its author can be regarded as the last great historian of the Carolingian Empire. The Chronicle is divided into two books. The first, subtitled 'On the times of the Lord's incarnation', begins with the incarnation of Christ and proceeds as far as the death of Charles Martel in 741. The second 'On the deeds of the kings of the Franks' takes the story from the death of Charles Martel through to 906. The much shorter continuation by Adalbert of Magdeburg enjoys a place in the canon of works relating to the history of the earliest German Reich and consequently has received considerably more attention.
review of Harrington’s works,97 and there were of course hints at this idea in Gordon’s discourses, but the emphasis of the Huguenots was on opposing tyranny rather than on building a workable republic, and so these ideas were less relevant to them. Nonetheless, as will become clear in Part II, this aspect of the commonwealth tradition was picked up by other French figures in the first half of the eighteenth century. Conclusion The Huguenot connection was one means by which commonwealth ideas came to play an important role in continental European political thought. The
11 Photographing Mussolini Alessandra Antola Mussolini was the first European political leader to be extensively photographed, with his image reproduced in newspapers, posters, postcards, offices and public buildings. The ubiquity of his image ensured that his face, gestures and physical presence were immediately recognisable, even though only a limited number of people ever saw him in person, let alone in close proximity. Consequently his photographs, being accessible, transferable, portable and mass-produced, became the principal medium for the circulation of
political authority. In his example we can see how ideas worked in the period. Far from being detached intellectual exercises, the evidence of the composition, circulation and reception of his texts shows that ideas could have serious instrumental purchase in political life. One man and his pen – with the right support in powerful places – really could make a difference. Toland’s affinity with men like Eugene illustrates the role his ideas played in the elite circles of early eighteenth-century European politics. It also indicates how receptive political and intellectual
East and to tame the Danube delta for the benefit of global commerce. To tame the Danube required a more powerful international commission with Britain and France, the foremost Europeans powers, at its helm. The broader implication here is that the concept of the international did not develop from internal European politics but arose through European international society's engagement with the periphery and Europe's fears of untamed geographies and the instability such spaces might bring. Hence, early understandings of the Danube delta as
direct western European political engagement with the Muslim world and the Near East. Bonaparte’s Egyptian and Syrian campaign of 1798–99 was the first western invasion of the Levant since Louis IX’s in 1248–50. Although bizarrely portrayed as a war of liberation, an attempt to create a new brotherhood of man on the Nile, the French foray stimulated new fascination not only with the suitably distant and hence apolitical Ancient Egypt, but also in the scenes of the crusades, not least as Bonaparte led his troops to besiege Acre, and in colonisation. While Bonaparte
1951 by founding the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). After attempts to set up a European Defence Community and a European Political Community failed in 1954, negotiations between the ‘Six’ (belonging to the overall successful ECSC) in 1957 led to the creation of the European Economic Community (EEC). However, West European integration projects and Central and Eastern European adaptation to Soviet communism were overshadowed (and intensified) by pronounced East–West tensions, as expressed in the 1950–53 Korean War, the formal division of Germany into two
regarding the Aryan provided a means whereby Indian history could be used to create a fresh historical tradition that expressed specifically European political and ideological interests. What Europeans sought in India was not Indo-European religion, but a reassessment of Judaeo-Christianity. India, What Can It Teach Us? This question, adopted by Max Müller as the title of a collection of essays, addresses the fundamental concern of this chapter, namely, that a fictive India and fictional Aryan ancestors were constructed in the West
mid-tenth century also witnessed a revival of historiography, exemplified by the work of the three major authors who wrote about the rise of the dynasty. The first of these was Liutprand of Cremona, whose Antapodosis (‘Tit-for-Tat’), a history of European politics from 888 until around 950, and Historia Ottonis (‘History of Otto’), a focused account of events surrounding Otto’s imperial
The product of forty years of research by one of the foremost historians of Jacobitism, this book is a comprehensive revision of Professor Szechi’s popular 1994 survey of the Jacobite movement in the British Isles and Europe. Like the first edition, it is undergraduate-friendly, providing an enhanced chronology, a convenient introduction to the historiography and a narrative of the history of Jacobitism, alongside topics specifically designed to engage student interest. This includes Jacobitism as a uniting force among the pirates of the Caribbean and as a key element in sustaining Irish peasant resistance to English imperial rule. As the only comprehensive introduction to the field, the book will be essential reading for all those interested in early modern British and European politics.