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. A significant lacuna in discussion of the EU external relations is any serious consideration of these from a non-European perspective. (Moxon-Browne 2015 : 276) Therefore I argue that there is a need to define the role and limits of multilateralism (Álvarez 2000 ), taking into account different perceptions of the process beyond Latin American or European “eyes”. The chapter divides into three sections which study the European political dialogue from
people crossing the Med. Caroline Abu Sa’Da is General Director of its Swiss branch. Juliano Fiori: SOS is very much a product of contemporary Europe. It’s a civic response to refugees and migrants in the Med but also to nationalistic politics, or to the return of nationalist movements to the forefront of European politics. How, then, does SOS differ from European humanitarian NGOs founded in past decades? Caroline Abu Sa’Da: SOS is a European citizen movement. Besides our search-and-rescue activities, we aim to give to the greatest number of
The European Union (EU) has emerged as an important security actor qua actor, not only in the non-traditional areas of security, but increasingly as an entity with force projection capabilities. This book investigates how the concept of security relates to or deals with different categories of threat, explores the relationship between forms of coordination among states, international institutions, and the provision of European security and the execution of security governance. It also investigates whether the EU has been effective in realising its stated security objectives and those of its member states. The book commences with a discussion on the changing nature of the European state, the changing nature and broadening of the security agenda, and the problem of security governance in the European political space. There are four functional challenges facing the EU as a security actor: the resolution of interstate conflicts, the management of intrastate conflicts, state-building endeavours, and building the institutions of civil society. The book then examines policies of prevention, particularly the pre-emption of conflict within Europe and its neighbourhood. It moves on to examine policies of assurance, particularly the problem of peace-building in south-eastern Europe. EU's peace-building or sustaining role where there has been a violent interstate or intrastate conflict, especially the origins and performance of the Stability Pact, is discussed. Finally, the book looks at the policies of protection which capture the challenge of internal security.
of threats posed to the European political space by Eurasia, and the role that international institutions are playing and may play in the creation of a sustainable system of security governance encompassing the Eurasian land mass. 4 2504Introduction 7/4/03 12:37 pm Page 5 Eurasian security governance Security governance in Eurasia Security governance is the policy problem confronting the great Eurasian powers in the contemporary international system. The postwar security system encompassing the Eurasian landmass was governed by the stable crisis produced by
, engaged in attempts to deal with threats emerging from the turbulent Middle East. NATO did not play a combat role in either of the Iraq wars but had helped train military officers for the new Iraqi government in Baghdad. NATO’s role in Libya was much more central in the ousting of long-time authoritarian leader Muammar Gaddafi; NATO had provided support to anti-Gaddafi forces that were critical to him being overthrown and killed. While the operation itself represented a successful use of NATO infrastructure, it also revealed European political and military shortcomings
throughout the system irrespective of territorial boundaries: the growing dynamic density of the European political space; flawed or underdeveloped civil societies or democratic political institutions in regions adjacent to the EU, particularly in south-eastern Europe and the wider Mediterranean basin; the ubiquitousness of cyberspace; and simple geographical propinquity. Geographic propinquity and the absence of
Adriaensen ( 2018 ), ‘ Twenty years of principal-agent research in EU politics: How to cope with complexity? ’, European Political Science , 17 : 2 , 258–75 . Diehl , Paul F. , and Alexandru Balas ( 2014 ), Peace Operations ( Cambridge : Polity Press ). Dijkstra , Hylke ( 2012
-originated expatriates play in European politics has encouraged the Turkish state to harness them as a political asset. In Germany, as of 2021, there are three Turkey-originated members of the European Parliament, sixteen members of the Bundestag, forty-eight members of state parliaments and 423 members of municipality councils. 106 Since the 2000s, an increasing number of French Turks have also begun to play an increased role in local and
elaborated and most consciously applied: in order to discourage imports, certain foreign goods were prohibited or discouraged by heavy duties; in order to promote domestic production, the state intervened heavily to improve communication and to encourage private enterprise. The economic doctrine of mercantilism was attended by the political doctrine of absolutism. And the two continued to dominate European politics after the wars of Louis XIV. But the relationship between them changed during the course of the century. While they had been mutually supporting doctrines at
(Luciano 2017 ). Thirdly, the drivers of the political behaviour of the Latin American and the European components are quite diverse. Due to its own institutional development over time, the EP has internally configured alongside political-ideological rather than national cleavages (Hix et al. 2006 ). Thus the European political groups have played a key role in EP's voting and decision-making processes in time. Meanwhile, Latin American regional parliaments have not developed substantial transnational ideological linkages since their constitutions