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Petrarch’s Triumphs and the Elizabethan icon
Heather Campbell

desire. Thus the popularity of the Triumphs in sixteenth-century England provided a crucial element in the creation of the Elizabethan icon. It offered a vocabulary and a cluster of associations through which Elizabeth could be presented to her own subjects and to other European political figures as the Virgin Queen, but in a context resonant of military victory and masculine

in Goddesses and Queens
New interdisciplinary essays

Few works of economic and political analysis have exerted a more profound influence on European, American and latterly world economic and social policy than Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. The version of Adam Smith's economic and social philosophy which has been invoked by proponents such as those in the Adam Smith Institute has often not been the product of a reading of the whole of the Wealth of Nations, but has rested instead on acceptance of the selective reading of parts of the book developed by nineteenth-century market liberals. In the nineteenth century, critiques of the effects of the division of labour were developed outside political economy by a sequence of British cultural critics from Hazlitt and Coleridge to Carlyle and Arnold, who deployed them in their attacks on contemporary industrial capitalism and the 'dismal science' of economics which they saw as providing its intellectual rationalisation; more radically, they formed an important element in the critique of political economy developed by Engels and Marx. Reaffirming the importance of the cultural analysis in the Wealth of Nations as a whole has been an important element in re-examining the historical particularity of Smith's work. Bearing in mind the strength of the cultural critique developed in the later books of the Wealth of Nations, a textually aware reading of the whole work suggests the extent to which its earlier and most famous arguments rest on what might be called strategic imprecisions.

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Victor Skretkowicz

monarchie (1551) and the Second Part of Urania. During this period, punctuated by wars between Christian and Muslim, Catholic and Protestant, European erotic romance played its part in shaping European politics and nationalist culture. Its strong chivalric element promoted notions of responsible monarchy and intolerance of tyranny, feeding the discontent with bullying and

in European erotic romance
Kate Grandjouan

satire started to be commercialised through the London print market, the spectre of unilateral French power arising from a solid network of European political alliances was haunting Walpole’s enemies; France and her allies were perceived to present a threat to the safety of the nation, and above all to Britain’s ambitions to establish itself as the world’s leading imperial and commercial power

in Changing satire
David Wallace

parameters of his royal mission beginning to shift. Although Chaucer was to return to England in September 1378, fallout from his second documented Italian mission does not settle until Anne of Bohemia arrives in London three years later. Even then, Chaucer has some work to do in building England’s new queen, brought to distant London through exigencies of war and trans-European politics, into the fabric of his poetry. Medieval Italians saw Britain as a strange place, far away. In Decameron 5.2, a desperate young woman

in Literatures of the Hundred Years War
W. J. McCormack

’Duffy had failed to eat of Parnell’s heart. By late 1938 and even in his last days, Yeats was less guarded in distinguishing clinically between the Irish and European spheres. To Maud Gonne he had written in June 1938 that ‘for the first time’ he was expressing what he believed about Irish and European politics. 25 In August a speech at the Abbey Theatre and an interview in the

in Dissolute characters
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Liam Stanley

's political energies, as that is where the most power lies. The state distribution and regulation of resources is bounded in two ways: formally through an in-or-out logic, and informally through a core-periphery logic. That state and nation boundaries seem like such a natural fit is itself a result of nationalism. Yet nation-states are but a recent feature of European politics; city-states, empires, and regional federations do not have closely aligned state and nation boundaries. Nationalisation is the process when those sets of state boundaries are made

in Britain alone
Sir Philip Sidney, humility and revising the Arcadia
Richard James Wood

’s construction of divinely ordained European political unity with the obscurities of Anglo-Norman history. It combines with real late sixteenth-century politics to form an idealised view of a Renaissance English nation, with origins and responsibilities to Europe and Christianity that long predate, and far outweigh, the aberrations of contemporary interests. 14 The Dominican friar Annius of Viterbo published a supposed fragment of the lost books of a third-century Babylonian author, Berosus, in his Commentaria (1498), in which the ‘ancient Celtic, Western European

in Sidney's Arcadia and the conflicts of virtue
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Avril Horner

articulate her personal and political sense of disaffection from both her husband and certain European political strategies without too much risk of censorship. From censorship within the private world we move to Catholicism as an institutionalized form of censorship. Joan Curbet’s essay, ‘”Hallelujah to your dying screams of torture”: representations of ritual violence in English and

in European Gothic
Reassessed
Tracey Nicholls

-commodified conception of the erotic. 13 Foucault, they argue, is not rejecting revolution and its emancipatory possibilities so much as he is rejecting the way that revolution has been discussed in European political philosophy, with its over-attention to the nation-state. 14 From the standpoint of their thesis – that the revolutionary politics which might save humanity

in Foucault’s theatres