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desire. Thus the popularity of the Triumphs in sixteenth-century England provided a crucial element in the creation of the Elizabethan icon. It offered a vocabulary and a cluster of associations through which Elizabeth could be presented to her own subjects and to other European political figures as the Virgin Queen, but in a context resonant of military victory and masculine
monarchie (1551) and the Second Part of Urania. During this period, punctuated by wars between Christian and Muslim, Catholic and Protestant, European erotic romance played its part in shaping European politics and nationalist culture. Its strong chivalric element promoted notions of responsible monarchy and intolerance of tyranny, feeding the discontent with bullying and
satire started to be commercialised through the London print market, the spectre of unilateral French power arising from a solid network of European political alliances was haunting Walpole’s enemies; France and her allies were perceived to present a threat to the safety of the nation, and above all to Britain’s ambitions to establish itself as the world’s leading imperial and commercial power
’Duffy had failed to eat of Parnell’s heart. By late 1938 and even in his last days, Yeats was less guarded in distinguishing clinically between the Irish and European spheres. To Maud Gonne he had written in June 1938 that ‘for the first time’ he was expressing what he believed about Irish and European politics. 25 In August a speech at the Abbey Theatre and an interview in the
's political energies, as that is where the most power lies. The state distribution and regulation of resources is bounded in two ways: formally through an in-or-out logic, and informally through a core-periphery logic. That state and nation boundaries seem like such a natural fit is itself a result of nationalism. Yet nation-states are but a recent feature of European politics; city-states, empires, and regional federations do not have closely aligned state and nation boundaries. Nationalisation is the process when those sets of state boundaries are made
’s construction of divinely ordained European political unity with the obscurities of Anglo-Norman history. It combines with real late sixteenth-century politics to form an idealised view of a Renaissance English nation, with origins and responsibilities to Europe and Christianity that long predate, and far outweigh, the aberrations of contemporary interests. 14 The Dominican friar Annius of Viterbo published a supposed fragment of the lost books of a third-century Babylonian author, Berosus, in his Commentaria (1498), in which the ‘ancient Celtic, Western European
articulate her personal and political sense of disaffection from both her husband and certain European political strategies without too much risk of censorship. From censorship within the private world we move to Catholicism as an institutionalized form of censorship. Joan Curbet’s essay, ‘”Hallelujah to your dying screams of torture”: representations of ritual violence in English and
-commodified conception of the erotic. 13 Foucault, they argue, is not rejecting revolution and its emancipatory possibilities so much as he is rejecting the way that revolution has been discussed in European political philosophy, with its over-attention to the nation-state. 14 From the standpoint of their thesis – that the revolutionary politics which might save humanity
missions and raiding activities that transformed the entire European political landscape. The British Isles, even though they had been settled by descendants of shared Germanic ancestors, were no exception. In 793, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle , terrible portents came about over the land of Northumbria, and miserably frightened the people: these were immense flashes of lightning, and fiery dragons were seen flying in the air. A great famine immediately followed theses signs; and a little after that in the same year on 8 January the raiding of heathen men
Introduction The events of 1789 represented a turning point in French politics, but also in the European political situation as a whole, and in a wider sense in the history of national identity. The second half of the eighteenth century indeed initiated a complex, though fragile, process of nation perception which was inevitably affected by the French Revolution. As a result