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perhaps a lifetime of unemployment unless economic conditions dramatically changed. But the project of preserving the euro had taken on a transcendent quality of its own. Southern European political elites shrank from embracing bold remedies for the economic crisis. Most were seen as involving an abandonment of the euro or else a temporary suspension for some members, or a breaking up of the currency union into several workable parts. Parties on the right and left which had alternated in office since the restoration of democracy at different stages after 1945 had too
The product of forty years of research by one of the foremost historians of Jacobitism, this book is a comprehensive revision of Professor Szechi’s popular 1994 survey of the Jacobite movement in the British Isles and Europe. Like the first edition, it is undergraduate-friendly, providing an enhanced chronology, a convenient introduction to the historiography and a narrative of the history of Jacobitism, alongside topics specifically designed to engage student interest. This includes Jacobitism as a uniting force among the pirates of the Caribbean and as a key element in sustaining Irish peasant resistance to English imperial rule. As the only comprehensive introduction to the field, the book will be essential reading for all those interested in early modern British and European politics.
This book looks at the period 2015–18 in French politics, a turbulent time that witnessed the apparent collapse of the old party system, the taming of populist and left-wing challenges to the Republic and the emergence of a new political order centred on President Emmanuel Macron. The election of Macron was greeted with relief in European chancelleries and appeared to give a new impetus to European integration, even accomplishing the feat of making France attractive after a long period of French bashing and reflexive decline. But what is the real significance of the Macron presidency? Is it as transformative as it appears? Emmanuel Macron and the remaking of France provides a balanced answer to this pressing question. It is written to appeal to a general readership with an interest in French and European politics, as well as to students and scholars of French politics.
English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere is the first sustained research that examines the inter-relationships between English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere. Much initial analysis of Brexit concentrated on the revolt of those ‘left behind’ by globalisation. English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere analyses the elite project behind Brexit. This project was framed within the political traditions of an expansive English nationalism. Far from being parochial ‘Little Englanders’, elite Brexiteers sought to lessen the rupture of leaving the European Union by suggesting a return to trade and security alliances with ‘true friends’ and ‘traditional allies’ in the Anglosphere. Brexit was thus reassuringly presented as a giant leap into the known. Legitimising this far-reaching change in British and European politics required the re-articulation of a globally oriented Englishness. This politicised Englishness was underpinned by arguments about the United Kingdom’s imperial past and its global future advanced as a critique of its European present. When framing the UK’s EU membership as a European interregnum followed by a global restoration, Brexiteers both invoked and occluded England by asserting the wider categories of belonging that inform contemporary English nationalism.
together, this wave constitutes the biggest change in the European political landscape at least since the fall of the Berlin Wall (Heinö, 2016 : 4). In the US, because party structures are much more porous and pliable, the populist surge was channelled through a two-party system and, given Trump's primary victories, the pressures were felt most immediately and acutely within the Republican Party. Established conservative currents were brutally disrupted. There were also class divisions that added to the tensions within Republican ranks. The Trump campaign captured
’ is a constant of contemporary French (and European) politics, but never before had there been such fierce competition to occupy this space – a reflection of the crisis in trust in political parties. Throughout the period of the Hollande presidency (2012–17) the PS was undermined by fierce competition between left-wing rebels (the dissident deputies known as the frondeurs ) and the governmental left, personified by President Hollande and Prime Minister Manuel Valls (Sawicki, 2017 ). The ultimate result was the collapse of the broad reformist coalition that
academic chairs which ‘must deal specifically and entirely with the issue of European integration’. By May 1998 there were 409 Jean Monnet chairs distributed across the EU. These were split between 40 per cent in Community Law, 23 per cent in European Political Science, 28 per cent in European Economics, and 9 per cent in the History of the European Construction Process. 39 By 2001, 491 European universities hosted ‘European Centres of Excellence’, more than a quarter of them in Britain. The Commission’s own grants lasted only three years, but to win them the
. ( 1993 ) ‘Exit and voice in the German revolution’ , German Politics , 3 : 393–414 . Kurz , H. (ed.) ( 1993 ) United Germany and the New Europe , Aldershot, Edward Elgar . Kvistad , G. ( 1994 ) ‘Accommodation or “cleansing”: Germany’s state employees from the old regime’ , West European Politics 4 : 52–73 . McElvoy , A. ( 1992 ) The Saddled Cow , London, Faber & Faber . McKenzie , M. ( 2004 ) ‘The origins of the Berlin Republic’ , in Sperling, J. (ed.), Germany at Fifty-Five. Berlin ist nicht Bonn? , Manchester , Manchester
strategy has been non-cooperation, practiced in Belgium, which has succeeded in keeping populist radical right tendencies from corrupting centrist parties. If non-cooperation became more common in European political culture, then the center would be able to develop distinctly democratic and Western solutions. Non-cooperation has the capacity to enable radical centrist populism. Given that no European state has yet fully succumbed to the populist radical right extreme of installing an authoritarian regime – even though a few have been infected by illiberal temptations
bust? From the outset, there has been an explicit linkage between domestic and European politics. But are domestic styles and remedies transferable to the European scene? The first year of Macron's presidency was rather inconclusive in this respect. That Macron has made an impact is not open to doubt. In recognition of his contribution to the ideal of European union, he was awarded the prestigious Charlemagne Prize in May 2018, becoming the first French president to have been thus honoured, since in 1988 the then President Mitterrand and Chancellor