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Tom Gallagher

perhaps a lifetime of unemployment unless economic conditions dramatically changed. But the project of preserving the euro had taken on a transcendent quality of its own. Southern European political elites shrank from embracing bold remedies for the economic crisis. Most were seen as involving an abandonment of the euro or else a temporary suspension for some members, or a breaking up of the currency union into several workable parts. Parties on the right and left which had alternated in office since the restoration of democracy at different stages after 1945 had too

in Europe’s path to crisis
Britain and Europe, 1688–1788

The product of forty years of research by one of the foremost historians of Jacobitism, this book is a comprehensive revision of Professor Szechi’s popular 1994 survey of the Jacobite movement in the British Isles and Europe. Like the first edition, it is undergraduate-friendly, providing an enhanced chronology, a convenient introduction to the historiography and a narrative of the history of Jacobitism, alongside topics specifically designed to engage student interest. This includes Jacobitism as a uniting force among the pirates of the Caribbean and as a key element in sustaining Irish peasant resistance to English imperial rule. As the only comprehensive introduction to the field, the book will be essential reading for all those interested in early modern British and European politics.

Series: Pocket Politics

This book looks at the period 2015–18 in French politics, a turbulent time that witnessed the apparent collapse of the old party system, the taming of populist and left-wing challenges to the Republic and the emergence of a new political order centred on President Emmanuel Macron. The election of Macron was greeted with relief in European chancelleries and appeared to give a new impetus to European integration, even accomplishing the feat of making France attractive after a long period of French bashing and reflexive decline. But what is the real significance of the Macron presidency? Is it as transformative as it appears? Emmanuel Macron and the remaking of France provides a balanced answer to this pressing question. It is written to appeal to a general readership with an interest in French and European politics, as well as to students and scholars of French politics.

Wider still and wider

English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere is the first sustained research that examines the inter-relationships between English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere. Much initial analysis of Brexit concentrated on the revolt of those ‘left behind’ by globalisation. English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere analyses the elite project behind Brexit. This project was framed within the political traditions of an expansive English nationalism. Far from being parochial ‘Little Englanders’, elite Brexiteers sought to lessen the rupture of leaving the European Union by suggesting a return to trade and security alliances with ‘true friends’ and ‘traditional allies’ in the Anglosphere. Brexit was thus reassuringly presented as a giant leap into the known. Legitimising this far-reaching change in British and European politics required the re-articulation of a globally oriented Englishness. This politicised Englishness was underpinned by arguments about the United Kingdom’s imperial past and its global future advanced as a critique of its European present. When framing the UK’s EU membership as a European interregnum followed by a global restoration, Brexiteers both invoked and occluded England by asserting the wider categories of belonging that inform contemporary English nationalism.

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Donald Trump, neoliberalism and political reconfiguration
Edward Ashbee

together, this wave constitutes the biggest change in the European political landscape at least since the fall of the Berlin Wall (Heinö, 2016 : 4). In the US, because party structures are much more porous and pliable, the populist surge was channelled through a two-party system and, given Trump's primary victories, the pressures were felt most immediately and acutely within the Republican Party. Established conservative currents were brutally disrupted. There were also class divisions that added to the tensions within Republican ranks. The Trump campaign captured

in The Trump revolt
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Two years that changed France
Alistair Cole

’ is a constant of contemporary French (and European) politics, but never before had there been such fierce competition to occupy this space – a reflection of the crisis in trust in political parties. Throughout the period of the Hollande presidency (2012–17) the PS was undermined by fierce competition between left-wing rebels (the dissident deputies known as the frondeurs ) and the governmental left, personified by President Hollande and Prime Minister Manuel Valls (Sawicki, 2017 ). The ultimate result was the collapse of the broad reformist coalition that

in Emmanuel Macron and the two years that changed France
Stanley R. Sloan

, engaged in attempts to deal with threats emerging from the turbulent Middle East. NATO did not play a combat role in either of the Iraq wars but had helped train military officers for the new Iraqi government in Baghdad. NATO’s role in Libya was much more central in the ousting of long-time authoritarian leader Muammar Gaddafi; NATO had provided support to anti-Gaddafi forces that were critical to him being overthrown and killed. While the operation itself represented a successful use of NATO infrastructure, it also revealed European political and military shortcomings

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Tom Gallagher

academic chairs which ‘must deal specifically and entirely with the issue of European integration’. By May 1998 there were 409 Jean Monnet chairs distributed across the EU. These were split between 40 per cent in Community Law, 23 per cent in European Political Science, 28 per cent in European Economics, and 9 per cent in the History of the European Construction Process. 39 By 2001, 491 European universities hosted ‘European Centres of Excellence’, more than a quarter of them in Britain. The Commission’s own grants lasted only three years, but to win them the

in Europe’s path to crisis
Stanley R. Sloan

strategy has been non-cooperation, practiced in Belgium, which has succeeded in keeping populist radical right tendencies from corrupting centrist parties. If non-cooperation became more common in European political culture, then the center would be able to develop distinctly democratic and Western solutions. Non-cooperation has the capacity to enable radical centrist populism. Given that no European state has yet fully succumbed to the populist radical right extreme of installing an authoritarian regime – even though a few have been infected by illiberal temptations

in Transatlantic traumas
Geoffrey K. Roberts

. ( 1993 ) ‘Exit and voice in the German revolution’ , German Politics , 3 : 393–414 . Kurz , H. (ed.) ( 1993 ) United Germany and the New Europe , Aldershot, Edward Elgar . Kvistad , G. ( 1994 ) ‘Accommodation or “cleansing”: Germany’s state employees from the old regime’ , West European Politics 4 : 52–73 . McElvoy , A. ( 1992 ) The Saddled Cow , London, Faber & Faber . McKenzie , M. ( 2004 ) ‘The origins of the Berlin Republic’ , in Sperling, J. (ed.), Germany at Fifty-Five. Berlin ist nicht Bonn? , Manchester , Manchester

in German politics today (third edition)