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A perfect companion to European politics today, written by the same authors, this book presents past events, prominent personalities, important dates, organisations and electoral information in an accessible, easy-to-read format. The book is split into five sections for ease of use: a dictionary of significant political events, a chronology of major events in Europe since 1945, a biographical dictionary, a dictionary of political organisations and electoral data. In addition to being a comprehensive reference tool, this book is intended to provide a sound historical background to the development of Western European politics.
people crossing the Med. Caroline Abu Sa’Da is General Director of its Swiss branch. Juliano Fiori: SOS is very much a product of contemporary Europe. It’s a civic response to refugees and migrants in the Med but also to nationalistic politics, or to the return of nationalist movements to the forefront of European politics. How, then, does SOS differ from European humanitarian NGOs founded in past decades? Caroline Abu Sa’Da: SOS is a European citizen movement. Besides our search-and-rescue activities, we aim to give to the greatest number of
Ukrainian Minister of Defence, Oleksii Reznikov, had declared that a ‘major war in Ukraine’ would lead to three to five million Ukrainian refugees ( Reznikov, 2021 ). This prediction was part of Reznikov’s warning that a war in Ukraine ‘would plunge the whole of Europe into crisis’ and his attempt to raise support among European political leaders in the face of the Russian threats. Without referring to Reznikov’s prediction, the Biden administration announced at the beginning of February 2022 that a Russian
of Government and State of the European Economic Community, the member governments decided to enter the process for building the 62 Major issues and themes European Political Co-operation, also known as EPC, that is, the process towards the common foreign, security, and later on defence policy. At the same time, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE), the so-called Helsinki Process, overturned the politics of the entire European region by transforming the relations between the two political and military blocs and de-freezing of the Cold War
industrialisation has been the compression of war, particularly in the West. However, the sense of industrial conflict enacted in the American Civil War masked another transformation, the emergence of political ideologies which would blight European politics and wars in the twentieth century. The move established by the end of the European and Ottoman empires, combined with the emergence of political ideologies led some writers such as the Czech philosopher Jan Patočka to recognise that war in the twentieth century was shaped by a ‘new techno-scientific age’.10 According to
offers an introduction to discussions about the politics of emotionality, before moving on to assess how the idea of salvation informed the decision by political elites in the Kremlin to re-invade Chechnya, while also arguing that ideas of redemption played a role in the decision by some West European political leaders, including Tony Blair, to turn to NATO in order to intervene in Kosovo. The politics of emotionality In recent years a number of political theorists and IR scholars have drawn attention to the role of emotions in world politics.1 One advocate of this
therefore be a ‘recognition of the United States and Great Britain as co-equal in continental [European] politics’ or even a ‘recognition of the United States as a permanent and dominating factor in Western Europe’. This was really thinking the hitherto unthinkable. In one of his admirably succinct memoranda (this time barely a page long), Pasvolsky wrote at the same period that a whole series of projects for Europe had to be considered, but all mentioned regional political and economic ‘arrangements’ or ‘unity’. The net result was the setting up of the machinery in
’. Cited hereafter as MFA, plus document number, date and heading. The document numbers are the ministry’s own in the batch sent to the Platform for Authentic Journalism under a Freedom of Information (‘WOB’) procedure. 19 Elena A. Korosteleva, ‘Eastern partnership and the Eurasian Union: bringing “the political” back in the eastern region’. European Politics and Society, 17 (supl.) 2016, pp. 75–6. 20 MFA, Doc. 29, 12 June 2013, ‘core message lunch Sikorski’. 21 MFA, Doc. 34, 19 August 2013, ‘core message lunch Paet’. 94 94 Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold
September 2016 (online); Joost Niemöller, ‘Waarom het OM bij MH17 nog niet eens het begin van een zaak heeft’. De Nieuwe Realist, 29 September 2016 (online). 70 Bjorn, ‘The Battle of the Debaltsevo Bulge’; Niemöller, MH17: De Doofpotdeal, p. 144. 71 Chris Kaspar de Ploeg, Ukraine in the Crossfire. Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2017, p 200; Ivan Katchanovski, ‘The separatist war in Donbas’. European Politics and Society, 17 (3) 2016, p. 9 (online); James Sherr, ‘A war of narratives and arms’. In K. Giles, P. Hanson, R. Lyne, J. Nixey, J. Sherr and A. Wood, The Russian
,000 refugees between 1921 and 1925. Kramer, Dneshnoto polojenie. v 281 v Nikolai Vukov Les Réfugiés, p. 5. 25 Dimitrov, Balgarskata komunisticheska partia, p. 18. 26 The Refugee Question in Bulgaria, p. 16. 27 Dimitrov, Balgarskata komunisticheska partia, p. 17; Theodora Dragostinova, 28 ‘Navigating nationality in the emigration of minorities between Bulgaria and Greece, 1919–1941’, East European Politics and Societies, 23, no. 2 (2009), 185–212; Stephen Ladas, The Exchanges of Minorities: Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey (New York: Macmillan, 1932). The Refugee Question