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This book analyses Anna of Denmark’s material and visual patronage at the Stuart courts, examining her engagement with a wide array of expressive media including architecture, garden design, painting, music, dress, and jewellery. Encompassing Anna’s time in Denmark, England, and Scotland, it establishes patterns of interest and influence in her agency, while furthering our knowledge of Baltic-British transfer in the early modern period. Substantial archival work has facilitated a formative re-conceptualisation of James and Anna’s relationship, extended our knowledge of the constituents of consortship in the period, and has uncovered evidence to challenge the view that Anna followed the cultural accomplishments of her son, Prince Henry. This book reclaims Anna of Denmark as the influential and culturally active royal woman that her contemporaries knew. Combining politics, culture, and religion across the courts of Denmark, Scotland, and England, it enriches our understanding of royal women’s roles in early modern patriarchal societies and their impact on the development of cultural modes and fashions. This book will be of interest to upper level undergraduate and postgraduate students taking courses on early modern Europe in the disciplines of Art and Architectural History, English Literature, Theatre Studies, History, and Gender Studies. It will also attract a wide range of academics working on early modern material and visual culture, and female patronage, while members of the public who enjoy the history of courts and the British royals will also find it distinctively appealing.
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism.
Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence.
Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles.
This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
initiative, Haughey indicated, was necessary to review the situation, as matters were ‘changing so quickly’ and the Community needed to frame a response to the accelerating changes in Eastern Europe.26 Collins chaired the informal meeting of foreign ministers under the auspices of European Political Cooperation (EPC) in Dublin Castle. He regarded it as ‘exceptionally important’, as it would shape the agenda of the EC regarding Eastern Europe,27 particularly after the violent Romanian Revolution in late December 1989. The foreign ministers discussed the EC Commission
functions; their careers and pan-European political, socio-economic and cultural networks tell us much about their place in the host societies.3 After all, the Irish Jacobite military formed only one part of a multi-faceted expatriate population that organised itself in host kingdoms, empires and nations. Irish banking, clerical, maritime, mercantile, political and professional communities also serviced the Irish military, looking after their educational, familial, financial and spiritual welfare and facilitating crucial links with their compatriots at home. 58 british
, security and defence policies have been considerably weaker, reflecting the fundamentally different decision-making processes and intergovernmental nature of the cooperation among member states in relation to international affairs. At the outset, European Political Cooperation (EPC) was largely reactive and dependent on agreement among member states, and usually only led to declarations (but little action). EPC was formalised and institutionalised as a part of the Single European Act (SEA), but it was not until the Maastricht Treaty (Treaty on European Union), that the
, citing allegations made against a ‘friendly country’, and provoked the accusation that it bowed to ‘pressure’ from other Community members.50 Yet the Community did not enjoy the all-pervasive influence that some commentators afforded it. On the surface the emerging processes of European Political Co-operation (EPC) appeared to tie the Irish Government closely to the policies of the Community at large. In practice the nature and extent of that influence was often difficult to discern. The arguments put forward in shaping Ireland’s identity at the UN over fifteen years
: Cultural Transfer and European Politics, c.1500–1800 (London, 2017), which focus on exchange processes underpinning case studies of sculpture, theatre, architecture, interior furnishings, and the pictorial arts in Europe, while the latter uncovers the central role played by female consorts as agents and facilitators of transfer. Publication details are provided in the following chapters and bibliography. 12 For Jacobean and Caroline England, this has been explored most extensively by scholars of literature and theatre and considered discussions are found in, for example
Statistics Office (CSO), 2007: 15). Such change has led to an improvement in the position of women in Ireland although they continue to be under-represented in local, national and European political fora. Political institutions and practices reflect the culture in which they are situated and sustained – this is as true of Ireland’s current political institutions as it was of the institutions and practices created after independence. Ireland’s development as a state saw the emergence of a distinctive political culture characterised by a strong belief in democracy and public
of an electoral base.28 At first sight this appears baffling: electoral success is normally the main criterion applied by media outlets to determine whether a group should be taken seriously. Parochialism may offer one explanation. Long accustomed to looking at European politics through a British filter, journalists have latched onto the nearest approximation to Tory/ UKIP right-wing Euroscepticism that can be found (the fact that Ganley spoke with a posh English accent must have been especially reassuring). Polling data With so many different issues and arguments
circles and reiterated Ireland’s commitment to meet the obligations of membership. In the face of Lynch’s undying public optimism following a disheartening interview with de Gaulle in November, the FRG Embassy in Paris reported that the director of European affairs at the Quai d’Orsay found Lynch’s optimistic public declarations to be ‘incomprehensible’. The director speculated that domestic Irish 184 184 Ireland, West Germany and the New Europe political factors underlay Lynch’s enduring public optimism.73 As predicted, de Gaulle blocked Britain’s accession again