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,” sung to the tune of “God Save the King,” which celebrates humanity as one nation and one people living together on “mother earth.” 165 Despite their own nationalist inclinations, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá tended to regard the English people and the British leadership as contributing a calm and stabilizing element to European politics amid the mounting tensions prior to the First World War. He praised the English for their peace efforts, 166 and expressed hope that Britain’s “just” and “noble” government would be able to
, was already apparent in Lord Curzon's 1905 division of Bengal – an imperial mass-scale redistricting aimed at separating the mostly Muslim (eastern) areas from the Hindu (western) ones – and that the shift to populations-focused politics, as Eric Weitz argued convincingly, has deep roots in pre-1914 European politics. 16 Indeed, Curzon did not have to wait for the Great War in Europe to end to state authoritatively to the audience at the University of Oxford that ‘[f]rontiers are indeed the razor's edge, on which
regarding the Aryan provided a means whereby Indian history could be used to create a fresh historical tradition that expressed specifically European political and ideological interests. What Europeans sought in India was not Indo-European religion, but a reassessment of Judaeo-Christianity. India, What Can It Teach Us? This question, adopted by Max Müller as the title of a collection of essays, addresses the fundamental concern of this chapter, namely, that a fictive India and fictional Aryan ancestors were constructed in the West
had been circulating in Indo-European political circles since the 1920s, when Indonesian nationalism first raised the spectre of discrimination against people of mixed ethnicity. The issue became more urgent in 1946 when anti-colonial militias murdered thousands of Eurasians during the so-called bersiap emergency, and nationalist forces concentrated tens of thousands more in ‘protection’ camps. 8 Even so, the impact of the migration lobby on Dutch foreign policy in the late 1940s was ironic, given that most of the
from the British government. Oswald Pirow in South Africa, for example, successfully used South African Airways to limit the reach of Imperial Airways in the region. 75 European politics could also have an impact. The Italian government would not permit foreign flights in its airspace, forcing Imperial Airways passengers to take the overnight express train from Basle to Genoa. 76 In explaining this, the Air Annual of the British Empire minimised the significance of the interruption to air services, describing it as ‘this short section’ and ‘the only part of the
, Dreams and Distortions , London: Vintage, 1991, p. 315. 25 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra , p. 279. 26 Linley Sambourne, ‘Hands Off!’, Punch , 9 February 1889, p. 62. For a detailed account of European political disputes over Samoa, see: Paul M. Kennedy, The Samoan Tangle: A Study in Anglo
–1858 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975) , pp. 36–9, 45–6; IOR, B/40, pp. 77, 88, 195; IOR, B/42, p. 1. 12 J. Robertson, ‘Empire and Union: Two Concepts of the Early Modern European Political Order’, in John Robertson (ed.), A Union for Empire: Political Thought and the British Union of 1707 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995) , pp. 34–6; Mackillop, ‘A Union for Empire?’, 130–1. 13 IOR, B/43, pp. 228, 259; B/45, pp. 49–50, 169; B/47, pp. 1–3; B/50A, pp. 1–64. 14 T. Webster, ‘The Political Economy of Trade Liberalization: the East India Company Charter of
: there were equivalents for India, Malaya, South Africa, Canada, Australia and elsewhere. But what is being draped in Cyprus’ case? Aphrodite: an enduring symbol of ancient Greece, which was usurped as a spiritual ancestor and the basis of modern European political culture. The British had occupied a vital part of their own political and cultural mythology. Cyprus’ perceived European identity set it apart
preoccupations helped to create landscape views. The work of travellers, artists, officials, hunters, settlers and others worked to develop, complicate and enrich European impressions of Africa. Notwithstanding its remoteness from European political centres, southern Africa was not far removed from British imperial imaginings of the world. In fact, it occupied a central place in the
were often forged in defence against metropolitan contempt. 8 Consequently attentiveness to the particularities of encounter should enable the reader to understand the nature of the colonial institutions which were erected to contain the threat to European political and cultural supremacy, on the one hand, and the distinctions which were to mark them out as, for example, peculiarly Australian or South African, on the other. An important feature of the contributions to Rethinking Settler