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emphasise here that religion is the element of any society most able to resist a radical change throughout human history. The succeeding Kemalist group inherited the ambivalent nature of the 1908 movement that not only intended the return of a state according to Islamic principles but also the creation of a parliament based on secular representation. Mustafa Kemal shared the Young Turks’ ideas that the liberation of the Ottoman state would be succeeded by the adaptation of European political institutions and social customs, and that the ancien régime of the empire had to
Tilly argues that there have been three main stages of state-making: (1) formation and consolidation of the first great national states in commercial and military competition with each other, accompanied by their economic penetration of the remainder of Europe and of important parts of the world outside of Europe: roughly 1500 to 1700; (2) regrouping of the remainder of Europe into a system of states, accompanied by the extension of European political control into most of the non- European world, save those portions already dominated by substantial political
This chapter examines one year, 1938, in the history of the British Red Cross (BRCS): a year that was not one of its most obviously eventful. Indeed, with devastating conflict raging in Europe, the BRCS, like the British Government, was notable for its non-intervention in Spain. Yet it did play a part in the high drama of European politics, advocating for international protocols on civilian protection in war, and acting as broker and facilitator between movements for civil defence and (territorial) military planning and Government departments at a time when the shadow of European war loomed large. Using the case study of the Red Cross International Conference held in London in June 1938, the local and national history of the BRCS is explored better to understand its relative state of non-intervention in the Spanish war, and how this related to the discourse on civilian protection and civil defence at home. How much the BRCS focused on these national priorities at a time of international crisis is a focal point of this chapter, which explores the broader question of how the Movement as a whole operated and avoided segmentation at this critical political juncture in the final years of peace.
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the West German state a textbook case of successful democracy promotion. 15 The great experiment of European political integration and German–French reconciliation also opened new horizons for international theory. The peculiar semi-sovereignty of (West) Germany triggered scholarly interest. 16 On the other hand, in the Cold War years the central IR debates shifted elsewhere quite quickly, even if the divided Germany, and particularly Berlin, remained a theatre of the geopolitical standoff. As the future of Germany had ceased to be a pressing problem or a
Agency and Institutional Change ( Cham : Palgrave Macmillan ). Jenson , Jane , and Frédéric Mérand ( 2010 ), ‘ Sociology, institutionalism and the European Union ’, Comparative European Politics , 8 : 1 , 74–92 . Krasner , Stephen D. ( 1999 ), Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy ( Princeton, NJ