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Liene Ozoliņa

Organization (NATO), Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Eurozone) has provided the organising logic of the post-Soviet state project in Latvia. Every one of these targets promptly replaced the previous goal once membership was achieved, giving a new stimulus for reforms and a way of sustaining this familiar tempo. The idea of a ‘2-speed Europe’, occasionally pronounced in Brussels, is permanently hanging in the air as a threat that, despite all the efforts, ‘the East’ is not going to keep pace with ‘the West’.2 This temporal lag is an idea that

in Politics of waiting
Robert H. Wade

-Berlin Consensus, which gives even less importance than the Washington Consensus to national sovereignty and more importance to expanding the geographic and sectoral scope for corporate profit-making and cutting back the role of government (‘austerity is the only cure for the eurozone’, said German Chancellor Wolfgang Schauble in 2011). In this vision, the role of democracy is to diffuse popular resentment at the

in The anthropology of power, agency, and morality
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On crisis and the making of golden passports
Theodoros Rakopoulos

Bank (“Popular Bank”), the country’s second largest. An ambience of panic ensued. Three days later, amid heated debate, President Anastasiades agreed with Eurozone finance ministers and IMF officials to announce a new plan to “save the economy”. The issue was who would pay. The March uprising against a popular pay pushed the President to agree that large bank account holders

in Passport island
Liene Ozoliņa

likewise a political decision made by the government, in consultations with international experts, 56 Politics of waiting to organise the state revenue and redistribution system in particular ways and not in others. As shown in the previous chapter, factors such as undoing ‘learned helplessness’ and joining the Eurozone played a role here. Waiting and expecting in post-socialism This paradox of activation and waiting gains an extra dimension in the postSoviet context because of the historically and geopolitically formed moral valuations of the different

in Politics of waiting
Abstract only
Displaced borders in Skopje and the Colorful Revolution
Rozita Dimova

. Gruevski and his government had been forced to be proactive in seeking out alternative markets for the country's exports (other than the eurozone). One of the main agendas in the 2011 elections was to maintain Macedonia as a country with lowest taxes in Europe, which would encourage foreign investors. However, the numbers indicating success and a rise in foreign direct investments did not account for the massive tax, infrastructure, and labor benefits that were given by the government (World Bank 2014 ). Free Investment Zones were promoted all over the country as the

in Border porosities
David Sausdal

. Sausdal , D . 2014 . “ Cultural Culprits: Police Apprehensions of Pickpockets in Copenhagen .” In Crisis and Migration: Implications of the Eurozone Crisis for Perceptions, Politics, and Policies of Migration , edited by B . Petterson and P . Bevelander , 177 – 204 . Lund : Nordic Academic Press

in Policing race, ethnicity and culture
Gender, movement, reproduction, regulation
Frances Pine
Haldis Haukanes

specifically to the management of migration in the UK, ‘Again, we see stratified rights deployed as a means of social control, a supporting rational citing behaviours and abuse, and shrinking boundaries of entitlement justified by “fairness”‘ to the taxpayer’ (Morris 2018 : 279). Geographical mobility is by no means a given for much of the world's population. However, when it is considered a right – for instance in the case of legal, EU-regulated mobility within the Eurozone – it may imply life-changing possibilities in everyday life, such as access to

in Intimacy and mobility in an era of hardening borders