Data is not just the stuff of social scientific method; it is the stuff of everyday life. The presence of digital data in an ever widening range of human relationships profoundly unsettles notions of expertise for both ethnographers and data scientists alike. This collection situates digital data in broader knowledge-production practices. It asks about the kinds of social worlds that data scientists are creating as the profession coalesces, and looks at the contemporary possibilities available to both ethnographers and their participants for knowing, formatting and intervening in the world. It shows what digital data is doing to the empirical methods that sustain claims to expertise, with a particular focus on implications for ethnography. The contributors offer empirically grounded accounts of the cultures, infrastructures and epistemologies of data production, analysis and use. They examine the professionalisation of data science in a variety of national and transnational contexts. They look closely at specific data practices like archiving of environmental data, or claims-making about how software is produced. They also offer a glimpse into the new methodological and pedagogical possibilities for teaching and doing ethnography in a data-saturated world.
The daily work of Erich Muhsfeldt, chief of the crematorium at Majdanek concentration and extermination camp, 1942–44
together, how they joke and quarrel.
Central to the everyday history, as developed by Lüdtke, is the
question of domination (Herrschaft) or, rather, domination as a
social practice.60 Everydaylife is not an apolitical vacuum; rather, it
is everydaylife that is the principal generator of mastery, through
the social practice of all those affected, through their perceptions
and interpretations, their actions and modes of expression. The
institution of the concentration camp created the framework and
the National Socialist ideology created the goal for violent
‘irrational’ history or the ‘non-history’ as A. Dupront called it.
The history of everydaylife is about the invisible.)
Why write a book?
The original idea of this book started – like the countless citizens who witnessed
the January 2011 revolution – with an unrelenting urge to document the
fast-unfolding events that were transforming the urban life of Cairo. Alas,
coincidentally, the path of this work took on an entirely different and unexpected course. As time went on, publications on Tahrir flooded the market,
and my reluctance to write yet another account of the
, opens out a process and
possibilities not only for ‘doing big data’ from the bottom up but for
creating new ways of being with and ways of knowing about data
Experiments in/of data and ethnography
in everydaylife. Examples of the intersections are given later in the
This chapter outlines the genesis of the data walk as I’ve practised
it, focusing in particular on the contribution of artistic practice to
social science research and the necessity for creating new modes of
interdisciplinarity to address the phenomena of data. The chapter
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert
, within the
stadium there are multiple audiences: rival fans, the players, media,
the authorities, club officials and the ultras group themselves. As
Abercrombie and Longhurst (1998: 68–9) observe,
The essential feature of this audience-experience is that, in contemporary
society everyone becomes an audience all the time. Being a member of an
audience is no longer an exceptional event, nor an everyday event. Rather
it is constitutive of everydaylife.
As individuals and groups are always performers who present themselves in everydaylife, they are also audiences
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert
lives. As Durkheim (1964) argued, the contrast with mundane everydaylife helps intensify the identification with the group. This is magnified
through the collective effervescence generated from the chants, choreographies and pyrotechnics. This collective ritual entrains the individuals
into the wider collective such that the group moves, sings and applauds
as one. This produces a feeling of flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1992; 2008)
that lifts the individuals out of themselves and provides feelings of
achievement, happiness and pleasure. These emotions only
the circumscribed timespans of research and fieldwork but is a constant presence or a sharing of everydaylife. For this reason Narayan, writing on the figure of the native researcher, suggested how a rigidly dualistic paradigm should be replaced by a rethinking of a researcher’s role, which is characterised by ‘shifting identifications’ ( 1993 : 671) and the quality of the relationship thus created.
In my community of origin, my presence was never perceived as neutral and detached. I was often explicitly required to provide a concrete contribution, thanks to my
Tracing sources of recent neo-conservatism in Poland
Kuhar (eds) Beyond the Pink Curtain: The EverydayLife of LGBTs in Eastern and Central Europe. Ljubljana : Peace Institute , pp. 269–286 .
Renkin , H.Z.
( 2009 ) ‘ Homophobia and Queer Belonging in Hungary ’, Focaal – European Journal of Anthropology
53 : 20–37 .
Shepherds of the Catholic Church in Poland ( 2013 ) Pastoral letter of the Bishops’ Conference of Poland to be used on the Sunday of the Holy Family 2013
border during crossings and interviews about border crossings
with a grounded, situated approach that enables an understanding of narratives and
representations of border crossing in everydaylife away from borders themselves.
In this chapter, I draw on 15 months of ethnographic fieldwork in the Ukrainian–
Romanian borderlands, which included more than 6 months of participant observation in Diyalivtsi, a village in the Chernivets’ka region of Ukraine, just 4 km from the
main road between the region’s two main urban centres – Chernivtsi and Suceava. I
with sensor data
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