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Editors: Hannah Knox and Dawn Nafus

Data is not just the stuff of social scientific method; it is the stuff of everyday life. The presence of digital data in an ever widening range of human relationships profoundly unsettles notions of expertise for both ethnographers and data scientists alike. This collection situates digital data in broader knowledge-production practices. It asks about the kinds of social worlds that data scientists are creating as the profession coalesces, and looks at the contemporary possibilities available to both ethnographers and their participants for knowing, formatting and intervening in the world. It shows what digital data is doing to the empirical methods that sustain claims to expertise, with a particular focus on implications for ethnography.

The contributors offer empirically grounded accounts of the cultures, infrastructures and epistemologies of data production, analysis and use. They examine the professionalisation of data science in a variety of national and transnational contexts. They look closely at specific data practices like archiving of environmental data, or claims-making about how software is produced. They also offer a glimpse into the new methodological and pedagogical possibilities for teaching and doing ethnography in a data-saturated world.

Open Access (free)
The daily work of Erich Muhsfeldt, chief of the crematorium at Majdanek concentration and extermination camp, 1942–44
Elissa Mailänder

work to­gether, how they joke and quarrel. Central to the everyday history, as developed by Lüdtke, is the question of domination (Herrschaft) or, rather, domination as a social practice.60 Everyday life is not an apolitical vacuum; rather, it is everyday life that is the principal generator of mastery, through the social practice of all those affected, through their perceptions and interpretations, their actions and modes of expression. The institution of the concentration camp created the framework and the National Socialist ideology created the goal for violent

in Destruction and human remains
Abstract only
Mona Abaza

‘irrational’ history or the ‘non-history’ as A. Dupront called it. The history of everyday life is about the invisible.) Why write a book? The original idea of this book started – like the countless citizens who witnessed the January 2011 revolution – with an unrelenting urge to document the fast-unfolding events that were transforming the urban life of Cairo. Alas, coincidentally, the path of this work took on an entirely different and unexpected course. As time went on, publications on Tahrir flooded the market, and my reluctance to write yet another account of the

in Cairo collages
Alison Powell

, opens out a process and possibilities not only for ‘doing big data’ from the bottom up but for creating new ways of being with and ways of knowing about data 214 Experiments in/of data and ethnography in everyday life. Examples of the intersections are given later in the chapter. This chapter outlines the genesis of the data walk as I’ve practised it, focusing in particular on the contribution of artistic practice to social science research and the necessity for creating new modes of interdisciplinarity to address the phenomena of data. The chapter also describes

in Ethnography for a data-saturated world
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert

, within the stadium there are multiple audiences: rival fans, the players, media, the authorities, club officials and the ultras group themselves. As Abercrombie and Longhurst (1998: 68–9) observe, The essential feature of this audience-experience is that, in contemporary society everyone becomes an audience all the time. Being a member of an audience is no longer an exceptional event, nor an everyday event. Rather it is constitutive of everyday life. As individuals and groups are always performers who present themselves in everyday life, they are also audiences

in Ultras
Abstract only
A conclusion
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert

their daily lives. As Durkheim (1964) argued, the contrast with mundane everyday life helps intensify the identification with the group. This is magnified through the collective effervescence generated from the chants, choreographies and pyrotechnics. This collective ritual entrains the individuals into the wider collective such that the group moves, sings and applauds as one. This produces a feeling of flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1992; 2008) that lifts the individuals out of themselves and provides feelings of achievement, happiness and pleasure. These emotions only

in Ultras
Open Access (free)
Music-making as creative intervention
Nicola Scaldaferri

the circumscribed timespans of research and fieldwork but is a constant presence or a sharing of everyday life. For this reason Narayan, writing on the figure of the native researcher, suggested how a rigidly dualistic paradigm should be replaced by a rethinking of a researcher’s role, which is characterised by ‘shifting identifications’ ( 1993 : 671) and the quality of the relationship thus created. In my community of origin, my presence was never perceived as neutral and detached. I was often explicitly required to provide a concrete contribution, thanks to my

in Sonic ethnography
Tracing sources of recent neo-conservatism in Poland
Agnieszka Kościańska

. Kuhar (eds) Beyond the Pink Curtain: The Everyday Life of LGBTs in Eastern and Central Europe. Ljubljana : Peace Institute , pp. 269–286 . Renkin , H.Z. ( 2009 ) ‘ Homophobia and Queer Belonging in Hungary ’, Focaal – European Journal of Anthropology 53 : 20–37 . Shepherds of the Catholic Church in Poland ( 2013 ) Pastoral letter of the Bishops’ Conference of Poland to be used on the Sunday of the Holy Family 2013

in Intimacy and mobility in an era of hardening borders
Kathryn Cassidy

border during crossings and interviews about border crossings with a grounded, situated approach that enables an understanding of narratives and representations of border crossing in everyday life away from borders themselves. In this chapter, I draw on 15 months of ethnographic fieldwork in the Ukrainian– Romanian borderlands, which included more than 6 months of participant observation in Diyalivtsi, a village in the Chernivets’ka region of Ukraine, just 4 km from the main road between the region’s two main urban centres – Chernivtsi and Suceava. I begin this

in Migrating borders and moving times
Dawn Nafus

with sensor data 251 Geiger, R.S. and Ribes, D. 2011. ‘Trace Ethnography: Following Coordination through Documentary Practices’. In System Sciences (HICSS), 2011 44th Hawaii International Conference on Systems Science. Piscataway, NJ: Institute of Electrics and Electronics Engineers (IEEE), 1–10. Greenfield, D. 2016. ‘Deep Data: Notes on the N of 1’. In Quantified: Biosensing Technology in Everyday Life. Edited by D. Nafus. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 123–67. Kitchin, R. 2014. ‘Big Data, New Epistemologies and Paradigm Shifts’. Big Data & Society 1(1): 1–12. Latour

in Ethnography for a data-saturated world