situations people behave, at least through Bailey’s lenses, as moral actors adhering to cultural practices signifying normative values, while at the same time being motivated by instrumental and desired personal ends. This is the basic paradigm for everyday life in Bailey’s Bisipara; and it appears to be the basic paradigm for everyday life most anywhere in the world. On the surface, the Bailey method for
hand, a great interest in the kinaesthetic effects of cinema. He recognised, perhaps earlier than anyone, that movement within a shot, or movement from one shot to another, could generate sympathetic responses in the audience. Rhythms created by a succession of shots, or abrupt shifts in direction and angle between shots, could exploit some of the same mimetic systems that allow people to synchronise their actions with others in everyday life. Addressing the audience in this way had little to do with the imagination, where most of the narrative power of cinema is
7 The experience of colour C olour is but one of several aspects of vision, and only one of the many strands that make up our perception of the social and material world. It nevertheless plays an important part in the aesthetics of everyday life. Here I mean not the beauty-aesthetics of fine art or Kantian philosophy, but something closer to the classical Greek concept of aisthesis, or sense experience, and what A. G. Baumgarten meant when he introduced the term into philosophy in the eighteenth century as ‘the science of sensory cognition’. Aesthetics from
Ties .’ Journal of Anthropological Research 29 : 145 – 63 . Jambresic , R. and M. Povrzanovic , eds. 1996 . War, Exile, Everyday Life: Cultural Perspectives . Zagreb : Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research . Olsen , M. K. Gilliland (see also Mary K. Gilliland ). 1989
Data is not just the stuff of social scientific method; it is the stuff of everyday life. The presence of digital data in an ever widening range of human relationships profoundly unsettles notions of expertise for both ethnographers and data scientists alike. This collection situates digital data in broader knowledge-production practices. It asks about the kinds of social worlds that data scientists are creating as the profession coalesces, and looks at the contemporary possibilities available to both ethnographers and their participants for knowing, formatting and intervening in the world. It shows what digital data is doing to the empirical methods that sustain claims to expertise, with a particular focus on implications for ethnography.
The contributors offer empirically grounded accounts of the cultures, infrastructures and epistemologies of data production, analysis and use. They examine the professionalisation of data science in a variety of national and transnational contexts. They look closely at specific data practices like archiving of environmental data, or claims-making about how software is produced. They also offer a glimpse into the new methodological and pedagogical possibilities for teaching and doing ethnography in a data-saturated world.
The looking machine calls for the redemption of documentary cinema, exploring the potential and promise of the genre at a time when it appears under increasing threat from reality television, historical re-enactments, designer packaging and corporate authorship. The book consists of a set of essays, each focused on a particular theme derived from the author’s own experience as a filmmaker. It provides a practice-based, critical perspective on the history of documentary, how films evoke space, time and physical sensations, questions of aesthetics, and the intellectual and emotional relationships between filmmakers and their subjects. It is especially concerned with the potential of film to broaden the base of human knowledge, distinct from its expression in written texts. Among its underlying concerns are the political and ethical implications of how films are actually made, and the constraints that may prevent filmmakers from honestly showing what they have seen. While defending the importance of the documentary idea, MacDougall urges us to consider how the form can become a ‘cinema of consciousness’ that more accurately represents the sensory and everyday aspects of human life. Building on his experience bridging anthropology and cinema, he argues that this means resisting the inherent ethnocentrism of both our own society and the societies we film.
work together, how they joke and quarrel. Central to the everyday history, as developed by Lüdtke, is the question of domination (Herrschaft) or, rather, domination as a social practice.60 Everyday life is not an apolitical vacuum; rather, it is everyday life that is the principal generator of mastery, through the social practice of all those affected, through their perceptions and interpretations, their actions and modes of expression. The institution of the concentration camp created the framework and the National Socialist ideology created the goal for violent
‘irrational’ history or the ‘non-history’ as A. Dupront called it. The history of everyday life is about the invisible.) Why write a book? The original idea of this book started – like the countless citizens who witnessed the January 2011 revolution – with an unrelenting urge to document the fast-unfolding events that were transforming the urban life of Cairo. Alas, coincidentally, the path of this work took on an entirely different and unexpected course. As time went on, publications on Tahrir flooded the market, and my reluctance to write yet another account of the
incidents of everyday life, often allowing actions to play out in extended scenes and avoiding the multiple camera set-ups and composite editing (the découpage classique) of other fiction films. Neorealist films also looked at the mean streets and urban interiors of everyday life that had previously been largely invisible in mainstream cinema. Non-professionals were often cast instead of actors, and the opportunity to observe unaffected aspects of their behaviour instead of a performance was integral to the new Realist aesthetic. In Vittorio De Sica’s Umberto D. (1952
, opens out a process and possibilities not only for ‘doing big data’ from the bottom up but for creating new ways of being with and ways of knowing about data 214 Experiments in/of data and ethnography in everyday life. Examples of the intersections are given later in the chapter. This chapter outlines the genesis of the data walk as I’ve practised it, focusing in particular on the contribution of artistic practice to social science research and the necessity for creating new modes of interdisciplinarity to address the phenomena of data. The chapter also describes