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This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.
Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. Anecdotes about illegal commercial activity, or smuggling, have been common-place since that time, reflecting how the Irish border has been a negotiable barrier (Logue, 2000 ; Toibi’n, 1994 ). The everyday business of cross-border commerce – the connections
9 Conservatism, gender and the politics of everyday life, 1950s–1980s Adrian Bingham In 1967, Eric Nordlinger, a young, well-connected American political scientist, published The Working Class Tories, a detailed study of ‘English manual workers who vote for the Conservative Party’.1 Intrigued that one in three working class adults voted against their ‘natural’ class interests, he explored the place of hierarchy, social status and deference in English political culture, and argued that these voters could be grouped into two categories, ‘deferentials’ and
Fortified Aid Compound: Everyday Life in Post-Interventionary Society ’, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding , 4 : 4 , 453 – 74 . Fast , L. ( 2014 ), Aid in Danger: The Perils and Promise of Humanitarianism ( Philadelphia, PA : University of Pennsylvania Press ). Jackson
-technology use. In chapter 7, Leung presents the second analytical lens: actor–network theory. She opens the chapter describing Australia as a country in which the use of digital technology is part of everyday life for most people. This situation can be construed as a scenario in which both human and non-human actors establish a network, characterised by symmetry between the social and the technical ( Latour, 1999 , 2005 ). Leung relies on actor–network theory to reject the binary conceptualisation of
political histories, situation, and networks that are central to their security practices. Humanitarianism is built on the idea of universal humanity, overlooking the fact that not everyone can perform neutrality with the same ease – to armed actors, or to their own humanitarian colleagues. Not everyone can ‘sing the song’. Ultimately, Congolese staff embody the contradictions of MSF’s approach in DRC: a simultaneous need for operational ‘proximity’, as well as performative distance from the politics of everyday life. MSF’s approach combines a simultaneous ‘engagement
). Duffield , M. ( 2010 ), ‘ Risk Management and the Fortified Aid Compound: Everyday Life in Post-Interventionary Society ’, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding , 4 : 4 , 453 – 74 . Duffield , M. ( 2012 ), ‘ Risk Management and the Bunkering of the Aid Industry ’, Development
Biennale because they were so practical and focused on everyday life, with thoughtful and humanistic ambitions. The projects were based on a simple idea: not to construct new shelters but to improve the empty office buildings that lay empty across Vienna after the financial crash. The walls of the bright white pavilion were illustrated with simple photographs, quotations and publications describing the approach, transforming dull grey offices into liveable accommodation by
, 70 : 1 , 51 – 75 , doi: 10.3989/rdtp.2015.01.003 . Scheper-Hughes , N. ( 1992 ), Death Without Weeping: The Violence of Everyday Life in Brazil ( Berkeley, CA : University of California Press ). Schouw Iversen , K. ( 2021 ), ‘ Displacement, Time and Resistance: The Role of Waiting in Facilitating Occupations Led by Internally Displaced Persons in Colombia ’, Time & Society , doi: 10.1177/0961463X211052838 . Shultz et al. ( 2014 ), ‘ Internally Displaced “Victims of Armed Conflict” in Colombia: The Trajectory and Trauma
the everyday life experiences of West Africans in the communities affected are all but invisible now because the breach was contained. What normal does is obscure and disguise the reality of structural violence: that ‘normal’ society is full of need, suffering, violence (including structural and institutional violence) and the everyday suppression of multiple human freedoms, and that inequality of life risks is an endemic feature of the lives of poorer people. The ongoing private and state violence that takes place every day is rendered