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This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.
Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. Anecdotes about illegal commercial activity, or smuggling, have been common-place since that time, reflecting how the Irish border has been a negotiable barrier (Logue, 2000 ; Toibi’n, 1994 ). The everyday business of cross-border commerce – the connections
This book offers a theoretically and empirically rich analysis of humour’s relevance to world politics. Drawing on literature from a range of disciplines including International Relations (IR), literary theory, cultural studies and sociology, its central claim is that humour plays an underappreciated role in the making and unmaking of political subjectivities. As such, humour not only provides an illuminating way into debates about identity and the everyday production and reproduction of order, but also opens up hitherto under- or even unstudied sites where this production and reproduction takes place. With reference to the ancient comic figure of the parasite, the book suggests that humour has historically been understood in relation to anxieties about subjectivity, estrangement and the circumscription and protection of the political sphere. It identifies three distinct spaces where humour has informed, enabled or defined ‘parasitic’ engagements with world politics. In the body of artwork produced by detainees in concentration camps, in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and others (LGBTQ+) responses to the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and in carnivalesque tactics of contemporary mass protest, one can observe actors engaging through humour in the interrogation, negotiation and contestation of social, political and international relations. Through these detailed studies, the book demonstrates how everyday practices like humour can draw from, feed into, interrupt and potentially transform world politics.
programme, a new public culture, reform of the police and justice systems, decommissioning and demilitarisation changed the context of everyday life. Institutions to promote human rights, equality and political inclusion and to encourage North-South and East-West (Ireland-UK) cooperation – the Human Rights Commission and the Equality Commission as well as the North-South Ministerial Council
ideas of whiteness and the plurality of racisms have to be more carefully scrutinised in the context of non-white newcomers to Ireland (and indeed, elsewhere). Both implicitly and explicitly, this is one of the goals of our work and in the broader collection as a whole. This chapter focuses on the everyday life experiences of African asylum seekers and refugees on the island of Ireland in order to consider different notions of belonging, ‘racisms’ 1 and integration at play. Key to our thinking herein is the fact that asylum seekers’ and
alienation and its consequences, it implicitly urges us to take matters of political strategy more seriously so that we search for some path through the impasse. A working class novel in itself and for itself Tressell (2004: 2) claimed that his ‘main object was to write a readable story full of human interest and based on the happenings of everyday life, the subject of Socialism being treated incidentally’. Centred on the worsening financial circumstances and growing despair of Frank Owen and his family, TRTP is a richly populated text that provides fascinating
amounting to what has been globally reported as ‘genocide’. The prolonged loss of contact coupled with constant tragic news reports from Xinjiang are causing a variety of psychological and psychiatric problems among Uyghurs living outside China. This chapter will investigate the effects of Xinjiang's virtual lockdown on the Uyghur diaspora. It argues that the virtual lockdown of Xinjiang and the internment camps are human-made disasters, which have a huge impact on the everyday life, work, and studies of the Uyghur diaspora living across the world. The
Union and lack of voting rights), but does not substantially limit everyday life. The aim of this chapter is to explore the motivations of young stateless people in acquiring (or not acquiring) Estonian citizenship in the face of continued statelessness. It aims to show that attitudes towards citizenship acquisition are more complicated than they sometimes seem. Citizenship is not
. The second section contests the exclusion of communities of internally displaced and otherwise socially, economically and politically marginalised people on the urban periphery by forwarding a notion of belonging based in presence and residence (Varsanyi 2006) which asserts a notion of citizenship predicated on Hannah Arendt’s claim that citizenship is active, a ‘right to claim rights’ ([1951] 1973, 296; see also Chapter 6). Within this discussion I draw on work conducted by me in a semi-urban community on Bogotá’s outskirts on everyday life and belonging in these
Introduction My aim in this opening chapter is to develop a framework through which to understand humour as a performative political practice. My starting point is a body of recent International Relations (IR) scholarship that has argued for the relevance of everyday life to global politics (e.g. Acuto, 2014 ; Björkdahl et al., 2019 ; Croft and Vaughan-Williams, 2017 ; Solomon and Steele, 2017 ). According to this literature, ‘social relations, including international relations, are realised and produced by people’: they are created and maintained