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Panikos Panayi

months. Hundreds lost their lives for the cause in which they believed, as did their wives and children. While the advancement of medicine and hygiene by the end of the nineteenth century may have lessened the death rate, sickness remained a fact of everyday life. Housing Missionaries would have experienced the realities of life in India to a greater extent than

in The Germans in India
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Imperial man travels the Empire
Catherine Hall

colonial issues were raised but empire was part of the everyday life of the English, part of their imaginative landscape, part of their sense of themselves, part of their mapping of the globe. To be English was to be white, Anglo-Saxon, and a master-race, masters indeed of a quarter of the world’s population. Englishmen could dream of ruling ‘natives’ in India, making fortunes in

in Gender and imperialism
Himani Bannerji

to legitimise itself through self-characterisation as rule of law and social reform. 2 Significant legislation pertaining to social reform which sought to penetrate deeply into the everyday life and culture of Indians (in particular of Bengal) marked the passage of British rule in India. This legislation involved such intimate and private aspects of life as marriage, motherhood

in Gender and imperialism
Sentiment and affect in mid-twentiethcentury development volunteering
Agnieszka Sobocinska

the Politics of Everyday Life’, in Lila Abu-Lughod and Catherine A. Lutz (eds), Language and the Politics of Emotion (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 1–23; Ruth Leys, ‘The Turn to Affect: A Critique’, Critical Inquiry (2011), 37 (3), pp. 434–72. 6 Emma Hutchison and Roland Bleiker

in Humanitarianism, empire and transnationalism, 1760–1995
Ritual, routine and resistance in the British Empire
Author: Giordano Nanni

Much of the world today is governed by the clock. The project to incorporate the globe within a matrix of hours, minutes and seconds demands recognition as one of the most significant manifestations of Europe's universalising will. This book is an examination of the ways that western-European and specifically British concepts and rituals of time were imposed on other cultures as a fundamental component of colonisation during the nineteenth century. It explores the intimate relationship between the colonisation of time and space in two British settler-colonies and its instrumental role in the exportation of Christianity, capitalism and modernity. Just as the history of colonialism is often written without much reference to time, the history of time is frequently narrated without due reference to colonialism. Analysing colonial constructions of 'Aboriginal time', the book talks about pre-colonial zodiacs that have been said to demonstrate an encyclopedic oral knowledge of the night sky. Temporal control was part of everyday life during the process of colonization. Discipline and the control of human movements were channelled in a temporal as well as a spatial manner. In the colony of Victoria, missions and reserves sought to confine Aboriginal people within an unseen matrix of temporal control, imposing curfews and restrictions which interrupted the regular flow of pre-colonial patterns, rituals and calendars. Christianity had brought civilised conceptions of time to the Xhosa. Reports of Sabbath observance were treated by Britain's humanitarians as official evidence of missionary success in planting the seeds of Christianity, commerce and civilization.

An ‘ideal’ colonial city in Atlantic Canada
Benjamin Steiner

). 2 For this aspect of everyday life in Louisbourg, see A. J. B. Johnston, Life and Religion at Louisbourg, 1713–1758 (Montreal and Kingston/London: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996). 3 See Johnston, Endgame , pp. 13–14; Voltaire, ‘Précis du siècle de Louis XV’, in Œuvres historiques (Paris: Gallimard, 1957), p. 1462

in Building the French empire, 1600–1800
Anna Bocking-Welch

As far as their civic responsibilities were concerned, Rotary and WI members were expected not only to feel and act on sympathy towards those in need, but also to be well informed about the conditions of their lives. In addition to learning the specific details of the initiatives to which they contributed, members were also encouraged to use philanthropic activity as an opportunity to learn more widely about the climate, social structure, geographical conditions, economic situation, cultural traditions, and everyday life of foreign places. A small proportion

in British civic society at the end of empire
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The limits of British imperial aeromobility
Liz Millward

that structure everyday life.’ 13 Aeromobility as a spatial imaginary meant a change in practice in order to go by air, whether as a passenger, a government agent, some cargo or a piece of first-class airmail. As Cobham put it in the conclusion of Skyways , ‘the coming generation will think aviationally and will take to flying as an everyday means of progression’. 14 In considering contemporary aeromobility, Saulo Cwerner breaks it down into three specific components, each of which was in play during the development of imperial aeromobility. 15 The first

in Empire and mobility in the long nineteenth century
Charlotte Wheeler- Cuffe’s exploration of the frontier districts, 1903
Nuala C Johnson

district to inspect and supervise, and this brought them to visit new parts of Upper Burma and to find their way into the interiors of the Shan and Kachin states. Movement, whether it resulted from new postings or expeditions with her husband as he inspected the districts for which he was responsible, was integral part of her everyday life. This continual commitment to local and regional travel was punctuated by more long-distant intercontinental excursions when they made regular trips home during Otway’s leave. As well as being personally mobile the knowledge she

in Empire and mobility in the long nineteenth century
The builders of the Caribbean empire
Benjamin Steiner

one quoted above allow only a glimpse into the everyday life of skilled and unskilled African workers on the construction sites of large building projects. It is, however, noteworthy that the enslaved people are mentioned in administrative correspondence even though they were not paid – only the amounts paid to their owners are specified. They were paid a daily rate for the work carried out by the slaves that were sent to the public works from the plantations. It is unclear, however, whether the the slave owners were also paid for the work of the teams at the

in Building the French empire, 1600–1800