Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism.
Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence.
Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles.
This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
decline 67 had fought against the taxation of the tote in April 1947 when the issue was first raised by Hugh Dalton, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who suggested that to ‘tax the Totes and the Pools alone would be unjust and let the Bookmakers go free would be wrong. It would be repudiated by all right-thinking men and women’.28 At that point Dalton decided that no such tax would be introduced but later, on 12 November 1947, announced a 10 per cent Pool Betting Duty on the tote fund to be applied from 4 January 1948. Dalton exempted the track bookies from taxation
continued bias against this, not quite rational sport, in the official mind of government, through Sir Stafford Cripps, a Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer who had pilloried greyhound racing in the early years of the Second World War and in the mind of some civil servants. Despite such hostility it is clear that greyhound racing did arouse some community support. Whilst some communities fought against it, driven on by 196 196 Going to the dogs religious moral zeal and local authority opposition, it is obvious that the attitude of the local urban communities was far
points out how rules are needed to define rules – you cannot make a rule without first defining your 206 Afterword criteria, and this definition of criteria is a rule in itself. In Manchester, urban decision makers are creating new rules to support the development of the city, whilst also working within their responsibilities and obligations as democratic representatives of government. As discussed in the Introduction, when Councillor Sir Richard Leese and Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne MP met to agree devolution of budgetary and decision-making powers
bring forward concrete proposals and on the schemes to achieve uniformity in the areas Maude had identiﬁed.69 Government statements in the Commons were encouraging. Sir John Anderson, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, envisaged a new health service in which voluntary and public organisations cooperated and where ‘there would be no doctrinaire scrapping of good existing resources’.70 Herbert Morrison also made emollient comments about the preservation of the voluntary hospitals, and noted the importance of voluntary public service to the health of British democracy.71
suggests that the political force of that push is essential to ensure change. Here we outline what we feel the various chapters in this book have contributed to our understanding of these issues, which we might loosely bracket together as culture, cost and change. We also include a detailed discussion of the cost of administring FOI requests by public bodies. We set this in context against the benefits of the legislation in terms of the less tangible contribution it makes to making institutions more accountable and transparent. The potential savings to the Exchequer as a
themselves in England. These were indeed ‘the king’s Jews’. That is to say, as the only residents of Norman England legally entitled to lend money upon interest, they enjoyed the full protection of the Crown, to which they could appeal if a debtor defaulted on her or his loan repayment. Repayment of the debts owed to them was in fact guaranteed by the Crown, which levied a fee per loan. A special department of government – the Exchequer of the Jews – was established for this purpose. In practice, it acted as a Ministry of Jewish Affairs
Chancellor of the Exchequer George Osborne made the case to remain. Again, what looked like a safe margin for the unionist (pro-EU) position narrowed in the days leading up to the referendum in June 2016. But this time, to the surprise of many on both sides, the result was 48 per cent to remain and 52 per cent to leave. This result obliged Cameron to step down as party leader (and Osborne with him), to be quickly replaced by Theresa May, a long-term contender for party leader who had stood somewhat aloof from the referendum campaigns. At the time of writing the
of war’, p. 231. 51 Cultural Ambition Steering Group, ‘Reframing Manchester’s cultural strategy’, p. 18. 52 Manchester International Festival (website), ‘About us’. 53 Interview with Jill Hughes (2 December 2009). 54 Telephone interview with ‘Anthea’ (pseudonym) (20 December 2010). 55 McKenzie, ‘Sociology/Social History of Class’; Ruth Lister, Moving Back to the Means Test: A Memorandum to the Chancellor of the Exchequer from the Child Poverty Action Group. 56 Interview with James Creer (10 June 2010). 57 Telephone conversation with ‘Becky
Minister for Social Protection, Joan Burton, explained that ‘Male employees are not entitled under Irish law to either paid or unpaid paternity leave’, and that: The introduction of paid parental leave or paternity leave would have significant cost implications for employers, the Exchequer and the social insurance fund. In addition, the question of introducing a paternity benefit payment would depend on establishing an underlying entitlement to statutory paternity leave in the first instance and in the case of paternity leave would require legislation on the part of the