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Sue Vice

Clegg (Joy Stewart) that she is ‘no relation to your Mr Barber’, Mrs Clegg observes that there is someone named Hugh Scanlon in their branch ‘but he’s quite pleasant’. On one level this is simply absurdist humour, suggesting that Anthony Barber, Edward Heath’s Chancellor of the Exchequer until the defeat of Heath’s government in 1972, could be related to a Labour Party member, while Hugh Scanlon, the militant leader of the AEU engineering union, might appear at Tory Party branch meetings. However, such humour also contains an implicit reference to the contemporary

in Jack Rosenthal
Dave Rolinson

highly appropriate that Bex lives at Number 11, an address identified in Britain with the Chancellor of the Exchequer; cinematic numerologists may also note that Trevor in Made in Britain drives a (Tory blue) old banger which features the number 10, Margaret Thatcher’s address. Like Trevor, the hooligans’ violence is condemned although they are responding to the socio-economic conditions around Rolinson_AC_04_Chap 3 141 17/5/05, 9:07 am 142 Alan Clarke them; unlike Trevor, they have accepted these conditions unquestioningly. This is a ‘dog eat dog’ world in which

in Alan Clarke
Richard Farmer

The CEA and the government 2 The Cinematograph Exhibitors’ Association and the government A lthough the letters MoI are often, and understandably, used as the starting point when examining the relationship between the cinema and the state in Britain during the Second World War, the MoI was not the only government department to have a direct and intrusive influence on British cinemas.1 The Ministries of Labour, Food, Supply and Home Security, as well as the Board of Trade and the Exchequer, were closely involved in the regulation of British cinema exhibition

in Cinemas and cinemagoing in wartime Britain, 1939–45
John Wyver

conversion to the 625-line standard and the introduction of colour. Then, in the 1969 budget, the financially hard-pressed Labour government announced increases in the ITV levy, which was paid by the companies to the Exchequer on advertising receipts above a certain level. The Chairman of the Independent Television Authority, Lord Aylestone, was moved to say publicly that, ‘The Exchequer levy on the income of

in Screen plays
Ian Mackillop
and
Neil Sinyard

charge of the of the Bijou cinema’s finances, that ‘you could hardly send a third of a chicken to the Chancellor of the Exchequer!’ (The context of such a statement seems quite superfluous.) It also has its cutting edge, as when someone remarks that ‘she was as pretty as a picture’ before adding the mortifying modification, ‘a B-picture, mind you’. In his contribution to this book, Dave Rolinson

in British cinema of the 1950s
Ruth Barton

) that for every €100 raised under Section 481, the exchequer cost was €34 but that only €19 accrued as a subsidy to the producers with the balance being returned to investors or accounted for in administration costs. Thus, it could be more efficient. It is also constantly in competition with tax incentives in other countries, particularly in the neighbouring UK. When the UK introduced tax incentives of 20 per cent for television shows that cost more than £1m per hour in 2013, Ireland increased their incentives to 32 per cent (effective from 2015). They also amended

in Irish cinema in the twenty-first century
Richard Farmer

Bevin, its most famous wartime minister, became ‘more important … than the Exchequer itself’,42 posed a very real threat to the cinema’s ability to remain operational. The rapid growth in ticket sales during the war, and especially after 1942, might be explained in part through the increase in disposable income that resulted from the combination of price control and the almost full employment arising from the movement of workers into essential industries;43 yet the same direction of labour that had the power to swell box-office takings also threatened to leave these

in Cinemas and cinemagoing in wartime Britain, 1939–45
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Hawling like a brooligan
Andrew Roberts

hurrying on the heels of penury. Suddenly the shops were piled high with goods’ ( 1963 : 309), and if that is not yet the case with Genevieve , Ambrose is primed to usher in the age of consumerism. Petrol rationing ceased in 1950, and the 1952 Hire Purchase Act repealed wartime credit restrictions. In the following year, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer R. A. Butler introduced a budget on 14 April designed to stimulate consumer spending. The filming took place almost entirely on location – an early scene features remarkable footage of the start of the 1952 London

in Idols of the Odeons
James Chapman

man worthy of respect’, while Ali remarks that ‘the Lionheart is more respected in Islam than he is in your own country’. The politics of The Adventures of Robin Hood, combining popular monarchy and a commitment to social justice, were very much a product of the ideological context of Britain in the 1950s. In 1954 The Economist coined the term ‘Butskellism’  – after R. A. ‘Rab’ Butler, Chancellor of the Exchequer (1951–55) and Home Secretary (1957–62) in the Conservative governments, and Hugh Gaitskell, leader of the Labour Party (1955–63) – to describe the broad

in Swashbucklers
Abstract only
Paul Newland

Government was returned to power in 1974 with Harold Wilson as Prime Minister, the new Chancellor of the Exchequer, Dennis Healey, set about attempting to redistribute wealth across 11 001-026_BritFilm70s_Intro.indd 11 27/09/2012 11:47 British films of the 1970s the nation by raising the top rate of income tax to 83 per cent.41 The new government also increased public spending. But, despite a large increase in the number of public sector workers, perceived standards in public services did not improve.42 Industry continued to struggle throughout the period. Major

in British films of the 1970s