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, like debt, that ‘impaired our post-war buying capacity for American goods’ would benefit neither nation.33 So Keynes signalled that Roosevelt might, for example, be willing to accept post-war British cooperation in an international police force as part of the ‘Consideration’ for Lend–Lease, after being present at a long discussion with Halifax and the President in early June 1941. Keynes commented to the Chancellor of the Exchequer that ‘[t]hat sounds to me, at first sight, rather a good idea, but it needs thinking about’. Keynes and Halifax also ranged widely with
the most ruthless elements of its elites. In Gowan’s words: The West urged that those who managed to accumulate money- capital under Communism should form the core of the new domestic capitalist class. These people have been mainly illegal currency speculators and black marketeers as well as corrupt members of state administrations, especially in the import-export sectors. Such people have shown entrepreneurial spirit, albeit of a criminal kind.93 Gowan cites Geoffrey Howe, Thatcher’s chancellor of the exchequer who became adviser to the Ukrainian government in
own destinies through the granting of sovereignty. In his book on Garibaldi of 1911, G.M. Trevelyan summed up its attractions for statesmen wedded to the ideal of international order by calling it Garibaldi and the Making of Italy, June– November 1860.9 Such a tidy settlement of thorny problems has always appealed to both the statesman and exchequers of status quo states. NWOs are essentially gauged by the ‘realist’ by the extent to which they ensure order. But they are also gauged by whether they seem logically consistent. What Osiander wrote about the 1648
miners’ strike. But on inflation, it plunged into immediate difficulties. Certain that another incomes policy could only spell trouble and wanting to cut income tax, Thatcher and her chancellor of the exchequer, Geoffrey Howe, leapt at the monetarist argument that inflation could be cured solely by controlling the money supply through interest rates. Under this illusion, the government set money-supply targets, raised interest rates, cut income tax, increased indirect taxes on consumer goods, and conceded public-sector workers a large pay increase. The result was
‘pugnacious’ mood he held towards the entire IMF application.44 In the 1960s, when he had been chancellor of the exchequer, Callaghan had suggested that a reduction in the British Army of the Rhine (BAOR) should be threatened to ensure US financial assistance. The thinking behind this idea was that the US would not want to see one of its key alliance partners withdrawing from the defence of Europe so would supply the necessary financial support.45 Callaghan, now as prime minster, once again suggested a similar course.46 However, Callaghan was persuaded against pursuing a
suggested as the figure that a new Labour government should be looking to reduce Britain’s defence expenditure by.104 Wilson, while privately scornful of such thinking, did accede somewhat to these demands in the Labour Party manifesto of February 1974.105 As it outlined, a new Labour government would seek to find savings of ‘several hundred million pounds per annum’ in the defence budget.106 Consequently, on assuming office, the chancellor of the exchequer Denis Healey cut an additional £50 million from defence expenditure in his first budget. This, however, was only an
party in 1939 and resigned as Minister of Labour in 1951, along with Harold Wilson, over Chancellor of the Exchequer Gaitskell’s imposition of charges within the National Health Service (of which Bevan had been the principal founder in 1948). In opposition, Bevan was the standard-bearer of the left wing in the party, and his followers acquired the name of ‘Bevanites’, seeking to reduce defence expenditure and expand social
.indd 1 26/05/2010 09:25:37 The European Union, counter terrorism and police co-operation states. The direction of the Blair Government was also changed substantially, with a domestically cautious Prime Minister transformed into what one of his Cabinet colleagues called ‘the vice president of the free world’.5 Having been hampered in his opening years in office by his own innate conservatism and the ‘creative’ partnership with his Chancellor of the Exchequer, Blair’s diplomatic activity in the wake of the terrorist attacks and the UK’s subsequent military
his own use’. Wilson would have, in the figures of Patrick Gordon Walker (Foreign Secretary), James Callaghan (Chancellor of the Exchequer), and Denis Healey (Minister of Defence), ‘appointees on whose judgment in affairs vital to their own departments and to the national security, he will not completely rely’. Washington should prepare itself ‘for a greater degree of high-level negotiation with the British than has been our
substance largely took place through Rowley Cromer and, later, Burke Trend.45 Maintaining a presence East of Suez On assuming office, Heath was faced with a number of associated difficulties regarding the economy. Heath had inherited an economy with an unexpected budget deficit and his economic problems were compounded by the fact that his chancellor of the exchequer, Iain Macleod, passed away soon after taking office. Macleod, who had spent his years in opposition crafting an alternative economic agenda for the country, was replaced by Anthony Barber who, by own