Search results
Alarmed by the diversion of material and technological resources to military ends, politicians and scientists on the left warned that this new war economy could undermine the development of civil industry. When a £4.7 billion rearmament package was announced by Labour's Chancellor of the Exchequer, Hugh Gaitskell, in 1951, three ministers resigned in protest. As John Callaghan observed, the left felt that ‘costly overseas military commitments’ meant ‘that the future of the welfare state was jeopardised, let alone any further advances towards a socialist or social
4 The oratory of Iain Macleod Mark Garnett Iain Macleod has been a hero to many Conservatives, particularly but not exclusively to those who identify with the party’s ‘One Nation’ tradition. This is a fitting legacy for the man who co-founded (and named) the One Nation group of MPs. In part, he owes his continuing appeal to the fact that he died, at the age of just fifty-six, soon after reaching the pinnacle of his career by taking office as Chancellor of the Exchequer. The sense of promise unfulfilled is reinforced by the fact that, unlike so many moderate
embark upon negotiations in an atmosphere of free collective bargaining’. We became involved in our current strike solely because of our defence of the Government’s pay guidelines and for no other reason. The strike is now in its seventh week with grievous consequences to the Company because we are determined to reach a responsible settlement.27 On 12 September Denis Healey, Chancellor of the Exchequer, had met Beckett and Bob Ramsay of Ford to discuss the pay claim and made clear that ‘discretionary action’ would be taken by the government if Ford breached the pay
(Drucker, 1976 : 384). The struggle to succeed Attlee began after the resignations from his second government of Aneurin Bevan, Harold Wilson and John Freeman following the introduction of prescription charges in 1951. The two main protagonists were Chancellor the Exchequer Gaitskell and Bevan, the architect of the National Health Service (NHS) in the first Attlee government and, prior to his resignation, Minister of Labour in the second, who became the principal spokesmen thereafter for conflicting perspectives within the party on both the nature of socialism and on
‘pugnacious’ mood he held towards the entire IMF application.44 In the 1960s, when he had been chancellor of the exchequer, Callaghan had suggested that a reduction in the British Army of the Rhine (BAOR) should be threatened to ensure US financial assistance. The thinking behind this idea was that the US would not want to see one of its key alliance partners withdrawing from the defence of Europe so would supply the necessary financial support.45 Callaghan, now as prime minster, once again suggested a similar course.46 However, Callaghan was persuaded against pursuing a
suggested as the figure that a new Labour government should be looking to reduce Britain’s defence expenditure by.104 Wilson, while privately scornful of such thinking, did accede somewhat to these demands in the Labour Party manifesto of February 1974.105 As it outlined, a new Labour government would seek to find savings of ‘several hundred million pounds per annum’ in the defence budget.106 Consequently, on assuming office, the chancellor of the exchequer Denis Healey cut an additional £50 million from defence expenditure in his first budget. This, however, was only an
. (Gordon Brown, Chancellor of the Exchequer, speech given at Chatham House, London, October 10, 2006) The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11) against the United States led to new waves of scholarship on the proliferation of terrorism and efforts to combat international terrorism groups, organizations, and networks. One of the arguments
).5 The second is a report commissioned by Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer John McDonnell and Shadow Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy Rebecca LongBailey, entitled Alternative Models of Ownership – a remarkable document coming from a major political party that lays out the case for increasing public and worker ownership as a way to combat inequality, political disenfranchisement, and underinvestment.6 Polling suggests that in Britain, as in other countries, such policies are broadly popular. An October 2017 poll released by the
awards (hitherto Wage Council awards had always been accepted by Ministers) – an action interpreted by the unions as a significant attack on established procedures. In May 1952 Butler, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, warned the National Joint Advisory Council (NJAC) that the room for wage increases was extremely limited, Prices cannot be kept down if
Exchequer pointed out, public sector workers in the previous pay round (in 1977) had been restricted to a 10 per cent ceiling, whereas the wage agreements in private manufacturing industry had reached increases of 16 per cent. In particular, Alfred Booth did not think that an agreement with the TUC could be secured simply by assisting the low paid, since there were also strong sectional interests within the TUC advocating action on pay differentials. What, above all, emerged from this discussion in Blackpool was the Prime Minister’s unchangeable determination ‘not to