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This volume aims to disclose the political, social and cultural factors that influenced the sanitary measures against epidemics developed in the Mediterranean during the long nineteenth century. The contributions to the book provide new interdisciplinary insights to the booming field of ‘quarantine studies’ through a systematic use of the analytic categories of space, identity and power. The ultimate goal is to show the multidimensional nature of quarantine, the intimate links that sanitary administrations and institutions had with the territorial organization of states, international trade, the construction of national, colonial, religious and professional identities or the configuration of political regimes. The circum-Mediterranean geographical spread of the case studies contained in this volume illuminates the similarities and differences around and across this sea, on the southern and northern shores, in Arabic, Spanish, Portuguese, Greek, Italian, English and French-speaking domains. At the same time, it is highly interested in engaging in the global English-speaking community, offering a wide range of terms, sources, bibliography, interpretative tools and views produced and elaborated in various Mediterranean countries. The historical approach will be useful to recognize the secular tensions that still lie behind present-day issues such as the return of epidemics or the global flows of migrants and refugees.
of resistance to the centralised nature of government in Ireland, others were caused by medical and political ambitions. Finance The district asylum system became a very significant drain on local and national financial resources. Under the 1817 legislation and the subsequent 1826 amendment, the capital required for the initial phase of asylum building was issued by the exchequer in the form of a loan from the consolidated fund, which was then to be repaid within fourteen years through county grand jury presentments. In addition, the asylums were to repay
‘… inteligência do seu conteúdo para dar conta das providências tomadas’. ANTT, Ministério do Reino, book 415, fl. 22v. 80 It was at the Board’s request that the prince regent ordered the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and War to supply the troops engaged in the cordon with tow in addition to their daily ration of bread, at the Royal Exchequer’s expense. 81 In this he stressed the criticism he had had to face from the commanders of foreign vessels. 82 For the measures mentioned here that were taken in November 1804 alone: AML-AH, Provimento da Saúde, cód. no. 28
mad person's property and person was held. Originally, this royal prerogative fell under the jurisdiction of the Court of Exchequer; however, in 1540 it was vested in the new Court of Wards. The Court of Wards attempted to more effectively safeguard the property of the mad from profiteering by lords and courtiers who could, through their influence, obtain a grant of the profits made from the property of the mad that had been taken over by the Crown. Nevertheless, concern persisted as to possible abuses of royal prerogative; concern that was only partly resolved by
operations Other, more professional collectors were acutely aware of the consumption of waste paper taking place in the shops. In 1757, Samuel Paterson established his fame and ensuing prosperity thanks to his literary flair and his regular visits to the cheesemongers: The valuable collection of MSS. Belonging to the Right Hon. Sir Julius Caesar, knt. Judge of the Admiralty in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and, in the reign of James I. and Charles I. Chancellor and Under-treasurer of the Exchequer, had fallen into the hands of some uninformed persons, and were on the
, Blood's relations went after Evans to put an end to his ‘unjust and fraudulent bargain’ 49 by appeal to the exchequer of Ireland. But Evans resisted this legal action, putting in his own counter claim that Blood was in fact sane at the time of their business transaction. This case was tied up in the court for eleven years, three years past the life of Thomas Blood. However, in 1744 Blood's heirs retook possession of his property. In this case it is conceivable that Blood's guardian was able to offer him some modicum of care. But the decisions of the chancery court
an improved Exchequer grant, which would in turn be linked to greater central powers of a restructured Board of Control.102 Conclusion The protracted strike action at Digbys played an influential part in shifting the focus of asylum unrest from local actions to national campaigns. In turn, the outcome of these shaped developments at Digbys. The compromise of the Royal Commission had its counterpart in conciliation at Digbys. A calmer period prevailed and staff relations gradually improved, not least because contentious figures departed from the scene.103 The
himself becoming Chancellor of the Exchequer, he acknowledged it was a ‘precarious office’, since it was ‘much of the nature of one of Taliacotius's noses, for when the date of Mr Chancellor is out, down drops Mr Secretary’. 144 In the United States, Hudibras as a whole continued to provide an influential model for satirical writing, with hallmarks of the Hudibrastic style employed frequently in satires against the English, but also in those against American loyalists and patriots in this deeply homogeneous society. 145 Britain as the ‘parent’ body of the American
Trespass and False Imprisonment Tried at the Summer Assizes for the County of York, August 4, 1819, before the Hon. Sir George Wood, Knight of one of the Barons of his Majesty’s Court of Exchequer and a Special Jury. Taken from the shorthand notes of Mr Fraser (York: T. Wilson and Sons, 1819); Mather, Plain Narrative of Facts; J. Gray, Horsmania: Mr J. Gray’s Statements and Observations Occasioned by the Publications of Mr Mather (York: J. Wolstenholme, 1819). 3 Mather, Plain Narrative of Facts, p. 52. 4 K. Jones, Lunacy, Law and Conscience, 1744–1845: The Social History
strategy for revitalising Britain, they drew on neo-liberal theorists such as Milton Friedman and William Niskanen, who believed that welfare states had allowed professions to become overly bureaucratic and self-serving, and argued that the solution lay in remodelling them on market lines.115 The influence of this neo-liberal worldview was apparent in a 1980 speech by Nigel Lawson, who encouraged privatisation of the public sector during his time as Treasury Secretary, Secretary of State for Energy and Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lawson declared that the new government