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through income from their own estates and through new taxes. The royal estates had shrunk since William the Conqueror held half of England, but they were still substantial enough to produce some £10,000–15,000 a year. Relatively little of this income came directly to the exchequer, but it provided the queen’s dower, households for the royal children and grants of patronage. Royal estates worth at least 20
biography of the king, published in 2010, offers some sense, in its bibliography, of the array of primary material, both published and unpublished, now available to the historian of the reign. In addition to piecemeal items from various repositories, it is the very large body of material from the National Archive, chiefly the records of the two great medieval organs of government, the chancery and the exchequer, which
ordered in October 1311 and exchequer receipts indicate that it was implemented straight away; the new custom on wool would not be collected again until the revocation of the majority of the Ordinances at the York parliament in 1322. 16 Use of the privy seal also declined, possibly revealing some apparent adherence to the principle that the king should not act only according to his own whim and judgement
exchequer to have the undersheriff appear to answer concerning his false return, etc. (g) The earls’ claim concerning writs of summons, 1313 Following Gaveston’s murder, the earls agreed in December 1312 to submit to the king, but in February 1313 excused themselves from doing so at the next parliament, partly because the form of their writ of summons was unusual. The
county administrators. 14 Receipts to the exchequer quickly grew, a product of the property now in the king’s hands as well as the fines paid by contrariants to recover their liberty and their lands. Between July and September 1322, almost £15,000 was paid into the exchequer, mostly, it seems likely, from confiscated properties; given the balance of the treasury in May
). 29 For the three texts, see Regesta Regum Scottorum , V, ed. Duncan, pp. 480–5. For an English translation of the longer French text from the Exchequer Memoranda Rolls, see also Stones, Anglo-Scottish Relations , pp. 309–15.
accord shall hold firm and binding in all its points and that each of these shall be held and kept in perpetuity. And that it shall be enrolled in our chancery, our High Bench, our Common Bench, and in our exchequer, and in this we shall issue letters patent under our great seal and they shall be sent to all of the counties of our realm where they shall be read aloud, published
. The king’s harshness against individuals and London was exacerbated by general financial pressures as exchequer reforms facilitated the collection of old debts, and by the Despensers’ accumulation of land and power. The depth of hatred for both Despensers is evident in plots against them, 14 and in their swift trials and executions. Contemporary views differed on which Despenser was worse [ 47a
. (ii) Commission to enquire into the regimen, governance and conversation [ behaviour ] of a certain hermit in the hermitage of St James beyond the bridge in the city of Chester The King [Henry VI] etc. to the mayor and sheriffs of the city of Chester, greetings. Whereas by our letters patent we have recently ordained and constituted [by a bill in the English Exchequer] 33 Ieuan ap Bleth ap Carewet to be the hermit in
sum to Wimark, to be received at the exchequer of Chester for her life; and she received that sum until the coming of the said justice, and the king long ago accepted the grant, and wills that it shall be continued. (v) Year to Sept. 1275 … and to Wymark the anchorite of Frodsham, as part of the same [ sc. fixed] alms during the same period, 30s 4d 34 according to the same [ sc. royal] writ. (vi) Year to