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to the crisis that emerged in 1909, the year when the book was published. After Lloyd George, the Liberal chancellor of the exchequer, had proposed a budget including progressive taxation and benefits for the poor and elderly (the so-called People’s Budget), the Conservatives used their majority in the House of Lords to block it (Murray 1973 ). One of Hobson’s arguments in The Crisis of Liberalism was that such deadlocks could be resolved by reference to the people instead of through a general election. In his own words: The formal legislative power left
regret the promise of a referendum he made three years ago’ (11 March 2016: 28). This seemed like an over-reaction at the time. The opinion polls suggested a continuing trend towards Remain – though the margin rarely exceeded 4 per cent. The erosion of the Remain campaign It is hard to pinpoint the critical event and changes with anything like mathematical accuracy. Referendums are rarely decided by cataclysmic events but rather by gradual erosion. When George Osborne, the chancellor of the exchequer, duly presented his budget on 16 March, it seemed like a
contributing to how it operates in good faith. In theory, collective bargaining has been argued to be an extremely practical form of industrial democracy (Clegg, 1972 ), with variable coverage in different countries and across different workplace enterprises (Grady and Simms, 2018 ). The positive impacts from bargaining is visible when trade unions influenced government policy during the initial response to COVID-19. In the UK, for example, the TUC directly influenced the Chancellor of the Exchequer to introduce a 80 per cent pay subsidy to protect furloughed workers
120 million square yards, mainly due to foreign tariff barriers and intensified global competition. 14 The tweeds makers in the Colne Valley and Guiseley held their ground by producing ‘cheaper cloths which look smart’. 15 In 1924, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Winston Churchill, announced his decision to return to the gold standard. This monetary policy, which went into effect in 1925, strengthened sterling but put British goods at a disadvantage in world markets. It was now even easier for low-wage economies to send their cloth to Britain and even more
transactional reasons. Norman Lamont, Chancellor of the Exchequer at the time of the UK’s exit from the European Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) in 1992 suggested that the EU–Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) (or ‘Canada+’), which was ratified in 2015, would be a good model for the UK after Brexit. He said a post-Brexit UK would have the same World Trade Organization (WTO) means of trading with the EU as the United States or Australia (BBC News Politics, 2016b ). But Canada+ was especially attractive to Brexiteers who, with the small exception of Labour
leading figures in the Labour Government of that time, including Chancellor of the Exchequer Hugh Dalton and Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin. 58 The end of the Nazi regime in May 1945 and the liberation of the last concentration camps nonetheless allowed some German leftists to start hoping again for a better future. The KPD, re-established in the Soviet zone of Germany in June 1945
first phase – the era of a trade bloc – is quite different for its second stage – the Europe facing global competition. (Brown 2004d) This book studies Tony Blair and Gordon Brown’s combined attempt to sell the idea of a European future to the British people. It does so by analysing the propaganda offensive on which the Prime Minister and Chancellor of the Exchequer embarked after coming into office in May 1997 to convert a hesitant, broadly Eurosceptical public into a nation comfortable with the prospect of taking a full and active part in the life and
skivers’, 108 from the former Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne, during the years of the Liberal Democrat and Tory Coalition government, but also in political justification for developing contemporary ‘poor laws’: Iain Duncan Smith, the former Secretary of State for Work and Pensions (2010–16), would explicitly invoke the discourse on poverty in announcing the
’s abolition movement. 48 Shortly after the government’s announcement of Slavery 2007, the chancellor of the exchequer, Gordon Brown, said in a keynote speech to the Fabian Society conference, “Just as it was in the name of liberty that in the 1800s Britain led the world in abolishing the slave trade – something we celebrate in 2007 – so too in the 1940s in the name of liberty Britain stood firm against fascism.” 49 New Labour’s support for Slavery 2007 has encouraged commemorating the abolition of the slave trade as part of Britain’s historical commitment to honoring
our woollen manufactures and other products to a very considerable extent; and it brings into the Exchequer annual revenue of about three millions sterling. It is the grand prop of the East India Company’s credit, and the only branch of their trade from which perhaps they may strictly be said to derive real profit. 6 What John Barrow referred to as the ‘grand prop’ was, in fact, tea; he was private secretary to Lord Macartney. The embassy went in the name of celebrating the birthday of the Qianlong Emperor (reigned 1735–1796) but it came with a series of