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the greatest fear. Discussed at length by experts, there was also popular interest, Mysyrowicz citing a spate of interwar novels set in the aftermath of a chemical apocalypse.16 Poison gas represented the ultimate weapon, ‘capable in a few minutes of destroying all life in a large city like Paris’.17 The French population was thus exposed, via official and unofficial channels, to future war as potential catastrophe. Yet it appears little in the personal narratives I recorded; or at least, people remembered little of any discussions. For the younger interviewees
’s return to power in April 1942, the collaborationists moved further onto the stage, seeking closer alliance with Germany, and with an increasing ideological commitment to fascism. In early 1944, French fascists Philippe Henriot, Marcel Déat and Joseph Darnand entered the government. The technocrats – experts who obtained powerful administrative positions when elected politicians lost their posts in 1940 – were a constant presence at Vichy. As resources dwindled in France, the administrative apparatus of the state grew, as did its presence in people’s lives. The
internment. The call for improvements in Special Branch’s interrogation capability led to the JSIW, the UK’s experts on interrogation, being called in. As the custodians of expertise in the ‘five techniques’, the training that took place at the Intelligence Centre saw the JSIW pass that expertise to Special Branch. Fourteen men in total were interrogated using the ‘five techniques
States. Korea’s economy was depressed, education levels were low, and the brain drain caused by colonial occupation had severely weakened its leadership basis. 8 Hence, Western experts from the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Agency (UNRRA) and the Allied forces agreed that external help was needed. 9 After the hasty overnight agreement between the Americans and the Soviets in late August 1945 that established the 38th
their visibility as private players in food aid, relief, and development assistance, despite growing competition from USAID experts and agencies such as the Peace Corps. Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society program, his focus on domestic and international poverty prevention, and the establishment of a War on Hunger office within USAID had also included the voluntary agencies as important proponents of
. Partition, Biden argued, was the only new and viable strategy on offer. 12 Third, and most serious, was the array of recommendations in the final report of the Iraq Study Group (ISG). The ISG had been conducting an independent review of Iraq strategy since late 2005, holding hearings, interviewing experts and journeying to the country. It had been initially set up by the Bush administration as a public
‘directives’ to be applied by member countries and aspiring members. However, to a significant extent what public finance experts aim to transfer to developing countries is a set of objectives and principles rather than any particular system for achieving them. These principles include, for example, transparency and credibility in budget preparation, central control of government funds in a single account
IV’ and the European Agency for Reconstruction (EAR). Although these were both EU agencies they were quite distinct in their funding, organisation, staffing and procedures. Among the bilateral agencies, the US government was a significant donor, and USAID was particularly important in PFM development. Through its ability to deploy significant funding and large numbers of technical experts quickly it
territory to begin what was, at the time, the largest ever post-conflict reconstruction operation. In February 2000 I was one of them. I came knowing almost nothing about Kosovo and relatively little about peacekeeping or development assistance. I was recruited not by the UN but by one of the many participating aid donors as one of the technical experts engaged to set up new government institutions. Kosovo
concern about political paranoia with a broader post-war liberal project involved in the production of a particular political order and the management of dissent in that context. This account has been extrapolated into a pervasive understanding of conspiracy theory in the international political context – an understanding promulgated by media commentators, foreign policy experts