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The State, autonomous communities and the culture wars
Duncan Wheeler

What is the relationship between culture, the State and democratisation during and after the Franco regime? The various sections of this book have responded to this question in different ways and reveal, both individually and collectively, how, in a radically divided society, one of the few things almost everyone in Spain is in agreement about is the civilising force of art and knowledge. In this final chapter, my aim is to unpick the ideological stakes at play in competing definitions of culture, as well as to establish genealogies to

in Following Franco
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Extradition, political offence exception and the French sanctuary
Emmanuel-Pierre Guittet

. The return in October 2019 of the former ETA activist Alfonso Etxegarai and his wife Kristiane Etxaluz from São Tomé and Príncipe, the two-island African nation 140 miles off the coast of Gabon where they were expelled to in 1985, perfectly brings back this period when extradition to Spain of Basque militants was not exactly favoured by the French authorities. 5 The desire to secure French co-operation against ETA had been an early preoccupation of every Spanish government since the end of the Franco regime. During

in Counter-terror by proxy
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Duncan Wheeler

alongside a more nuanced understanding of how this both shaped and reflected their interests. During the nascent democratic period, a number of canonical cultural texts – most eminently the documentary film Canciones para después de una guerra ( Songs for after a War ) (Basilio Martín Patino, 1976) and Carmen Martín Gaite’s 1978 novel El cuarto de atrás ( The Back Room ) – resurrected the popular culture ostensibly patented by the Franco regime in the 1940s and 1950s. As Stephanie Sieburth notes, ‘ El cuarto de atrás teaches us that the effects of role-play through

in Following Franco
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Duncan Wheeler

advance a conclusion by means of a non-sequitur: the Franco regime did not police cultural production as harshly as common wisdom dictates, and it was not therefore as bad as we have often been led to believe. Treglown inherits from those he critiques a blindness to the ramifications of the fact that, as Steven Lukes notes, ‘[p]‌ower is a capacity, not the exercise of that capacity (it may never be, and never need to be, exercised); and you can be powerful by satisfying and advancing others’ interests.’ 3 Filtering this insight through Foucault

in Following Franco
Transnational resistance in Europe, 1936–48
Editors: Robert Gildea and Ismee Tames

This work demonstrates that resistance to occupation by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Second World War has to be seen through a transnational, not a national, lens. It explores how people often resisted outside their country of origin because they were migrants, refugees or exiles who were already on the move. It traces their trajectories and encounters with other resisters and explores their experiences, including changes of beliefs, practices and identities. The book is a powerful, subtle and thought-provoking alternative to works on the Second World War that focus on single countries or on grand strategy. It is a ‘bottom up’ story of extraordinary individuals and groups who resisted oppression from Spain to the Soviet Union and the Balkans. It challenges the standard chronology of the war, beginning with the formation of the International Brigades in Spain and following through to the onset of the Cold War and the foundation of the state of Israel. This is a collective project by a team of international historians led by Robert Gildea, author of Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance (Faber & Faber, 2015). These have explored archives across Europe, the USA, Russia and Israel in order to unearth scores of fascinating individual stories which are woven together into themed chapters and a powerful new interpretation. The book is aimed at undergraduates and graduates working on twentieth-century Europe and the Second World War or interested in the possibilities of transnational history.

Community engagement and lifelong learning
Author: Peter Mayo

In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.

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Paul Kennedy

the post of Prime Minister during the conflict. Such had been the prominence of the PSOE during this period that the party paid a high price in terms of incarceration, exile and execution under the repressive Franco regime and the party proved itself to be ineffective under the conditions of dictatorship. By the time that Felipe González gained control of the party in 1974, there appeared little to suggest that the PSOE would, just seven years after Franco’s death, establish a prominence within the Spanish political arena which would be preserved for almost another

in The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain
From isolation to integration
Paul Kennedy

of the most protracted negotiating processes in the history of the Community. Accession lay at the end of a twenty-­four year odyssey following the country’s first application for association in 1962. This chapter examines the historical background to Spain’s membership of the Community, which may be conveniently split into three main phases: (1) the period leading up to the Franco regime’s application for an Association Agreement in 1962 and the 1970 Preferential Trade Agreement with the Community; (2) negotiations carried out during Spain’s transition from

in The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain
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Francoist legacy and transition to democracy
Emmanuel-Pierre Guittet

in the subsequent decades continues to be at the centre of heated and polarised political debates. The long-running debates over Franco's resting place and the surge in nostalgia for the aesthetics and politics of the Franco regime do epitomise how deep the Spanish divide about the past lies and how emotionally and politically charged the history of the Transition remains. 16 Spain is experiencing a critical reassessment of the drivers in its democracy, and the perception of the Transition as an idealised and

in Counter-terror by proxy
continuity, innovation and renewal
Paul Kennedy

5 The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party: continuity, innovation and renewal Paul Kennedy The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español – PSOE) was founded in Madrid in 1879. It was the largest party on the left during the Second Republic (1931–36), and provided the Republic with two prime ministers during the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Largo Caballero (1936–37) and Juan Negrín (1937–39). Brutally repressed by the Franco regime (1939–75), the PSOE almost disappeared as a significant political force within Spain. Nevertheless, under the

in In search of social democracy