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Queralt Solé

Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Spain has experienced a cycle of exhumations of the mass graves of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and has rediscovered that the largest mass grave of the state is the monument that glorifies the Franco regime: the Valley of the Fallen. Building work in the Sierra de Guadarrama, near Madrid, was begun in 1940 and was not completed until 1958. This article analyses for the first time the regimes wish, from the start of the works, for the construction of the Valley of the Fallen to outdo the monument of El Escorial. At the same time the regime sought to create a new location to sanctify the dictatorship through the vast transfer to its crypts of the remains of the dead of the opposing sides of the war.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Abstract only
Author: David Whyte

This book explains the direct link between the structure of the corporation and its limitless capacity for ecological destruction. It argues that we need to find the most effective means of ending the corporation’s death grip over us. The corporation is a problem, not merely because it devours natural resources, pollutes and accelerates the carbon economy. As this book argues, the constitutional structure of the corporation eradicates the possibility that we can put the protection of the planet before profit. A fight to get rid of the corporations that have brought us to this point may seem an impossible task at the moment, but it is necessary for our survival. It is hardly radical to suggest that if something is killing us, we should over-power it and make it stop. We need to kill the corporation before it kills us.

Theories and evidence
Josep Banyuls and Albert Recto

absence of these aspects at the beginning of democracy, rigidity was attributed to the persistence of laws and practices inherited from the Franco regime. The situation changed in 1987 130 Making work more equal when, for the first time, the Labour Force Survey published information on the level of temporary employment and estimated the temporary employment rate at 17.7 per cent. Suddenly, Spain had gone from being a country with rigid employment to being one of the most advanced countries in terms of the use of flexible forms of employment. The official explanation

in Making work more equal
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’
Miguel Martínez Lucio

of the curiously and quite expansively industrialised Spanish economy under the Franco regime had to be transformed and renewed in the context of the industrial crisis of the 1970s and 1980s – and how a system of social dialogue had to be constructed in very politically challenging circumstances. Within this context, a form of social ­dialogue – that somewhat broad term – and political exchange emerged that was able to configure a relatively coordinated set of joint regulations and regulatory processes in terms of employment conditions. Within this context there

in Making work more equal
Capital’s insatiable need to destroy
David Whyte

nationalist Spain. The Franco regime was the regime that “disappeared” more people in the second half of the twentieth century than any state other than Cambodia.45 For his services to the Fascist state, Franco awarded Texaco chairman Torkild Rieber the title of Knight of the Grand Cross of the Order of Isabella the Catholic.46 The centrality of domestic corporations in the rapid rise to power of the Italian and German Fascists was excavated as early as 1936 by French scholar Daniel Guerin in his classic account Fascism and Big Business.47 However, Mussolini and Hitler were

in Ecocide