Extradition, political offence exception and the French sanctuary
The return in October 2019 of the former ETA activist Alfonso Etxegarai and his wife Kristiane Etxaluz from São Tomé and Príncipe, the two-island African nation 140 miles off the coast of Gabon where they were expelled to in 1985, perfectly brings back this period when extradition to Spain of Basque militants was not exactly favoured by the French authorities.
The desire to secure French co-operation against ETA had been an early preoccupation of every Spanish government since the end of the Francoregime. During
The State, autonomous communities and the culture wars
What is the relationship between culture, the State and democratisation during and after the Francoregime? The various sections of this book have responded to this question in different ways and reveal, both individually and collectively, how, in a radically divided society, one of the few things almost everyone in Spain is in agreement about is the civilising force of art and knowledge. In this final chapter, my aim is to unpick the ideological stakes at play in competing definitions of culture, as well as to establish genealogies to
in the subsequent decades continues to be at the centre of heated and polarised political debates. The long-running debates over Franco's resting place and the surge in nostalgia for the aesthetics and politics of the Francoregime do epitomise how deep the Spanish divide about the past lies and how emotionally and politically charged the history of the Transition remains.
Spain is experiencing a critical reassessment of the drivers in its democracy, and the perception of the Transition as an idealised and
. Ysàs Solanes, ‘Workers and dictatorship: Industrial growth, social control and labour protest under the Francoregime, 1939–76’, in A. Smith (ed.) Red Barcelona: Social Protest and Labour Mobilization in the Twentieth Century , London, Routledge, 2002, 185–205; J. M. Maravall, Dictatorship and Political Dissent. Workers & Students in Franco's Spain . London: Tavistock, 1978.
Boletín informativo núm. I
Code of silence, political scandal and strategies of denial
implicated members of the executive branch of government, solidified this shift towards judicial independence and integrity.
The process was aided by the coming into its own of a second profession that had been silenced by Franco's regime: investigative journalism as both a purveyor of political information and a mouthpiece for public opinion:
Throughout this time, the investigations were conducted on the basis of the fundamental principle that every
Diplomatic embarrassment and European democratic identity
–1973’, European Law Journal , 24:1, 2018, 57–76.
P. Ortuño Anaya, ‘The EEC, the Francoregime, and the socialist group in the European Parliament, 1962–77’, International Journal of Iberian Studies , 14:1, 2001, 26–39. Interestingly, the Portugese application provoked much less controversy. See N. A. Leitão, ‘A flight of fantasy? Portugal and the first attempt to enlarge the European Economic Community, 1961–1963’, Contemporary European
alongside a more nuanced understanding of how this both shaped and reflected their interests. During the nascent democratic period, a number of canonical cultural texts – most eminently the documentary film Canciones para después de una guerra ( Songs for after a War ) (Basilio Martín Patino, 1976) and Carmen Martín Gaite’s 1978 novel El cuarto de atrás ( The Back Room ) – resurrected the popular culture ostensibly patented by the Francoregime in the 1940s and 1950s. As Stephanie Sieburth notes, ‘ El cuarto de atrás teaches us that the effects of role-play through
advance a conclusion by means of a non-sequitur: the Francoregime did not police cultural production as harshly as common wisdom dictates, and it was not therefore as bad as we have often been led to believe. Treglown inherits from those he critiques a blindness to the ramifications of the fact that, as Steven Lukes notes, ‘[p]ower is a capacity, not the exercise of that capacity (it may never be, and never need to be, exercised); and you can be powerful by satisfying and advancing others’ interests.’ 3
Filtering this insight through Foucault
to package the violence and distortions of the Spanish experience in a style both visually interesting to a foreign audience and, more importantly, permissible by the Francoregime’. 10 In a letter dated 10 September 1963, Foreign Minister Fernando Castiella forwarded to Garrigues correspondence received from the Spanish ambassador in Italy about a screening of the film El verdugo ( The Executioner ) (Luis García Berlanga, 1963) with the following cover note:
He mandado hacer reproducciones, en
Catalan language. All this, however, failed to extinguish Catalan national
identity and demands for political self-government.
Instead, the movement to rebuild the Generalitat had begun long before
the end of the Francoregime. Resistance to the regime came from different directions and in various organisational forms. While the leading party
of Catalanism during the second republic – the republican left Esquerra
Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) – remained conﬁned to sporadic initiatives
from exile, cultural and political catalanism on the ground was concentrated