streets of Rome. Monster – from monstrere/monter – means to show, to put on display, as the monstrance ritually displays the sacred host, for example. Monsters de- monster- ate boundaries, the mysteries that lie beyond 144 Kieran Keohane and Carmen Kuhling the limit of what can be known (as in the usage ‘here be monsters’ on explorers’ maps) and not only the obscurities beyond external limits but internal darknesses too, for the Other turns out to be the Other in the interior. Mary Shelley’s monster created by Dr Frankenstein represents the paradox and ambivalence
the Government to deal with the issue of the Scotland Act’s repeal in a way which would stave off SNP criticism have already been highlighted in contemporary reflections. The most famous of these methods was Foot’s proposal to use a parliamentary technicality of voting against the repeal in order to keep the legislation, but not then implementing it, an initiative known variously within the Government as ‘the Frankenstein solution’ or ‘the Frankenstein formula’. This course of action would leave open the prospect of revisiting devolution after a general election
potential implication of human action in its creation made it seem more like Frankenstein's monster, with humanity's hubris found not in challenging nature but in tangling with it. Over the subsequent weeks, then, as announcements of A-68's arrival turned to interpretations of its significance, reports of the berg took on an increasingly concerned and politicized tone. Vice News gave readers ‘3 reasons to worry about that huge iceberg that broke off Antarctica’ (the instability of the shelf, sea-level rise and the event being ‘a sign of things to come
unchanged. The leadership is new. The structures are new. The ideology is new. The ultimate aims are new. The mentality and the methods have a new and amoral ruthlessness. The new IRA is a radically new phenomenon – and it is a sinister one. It is now taking shape as a movement alien to Irish tradition and values. Some of the men who mobilised it in 1970 must now have difficulty in recognising it as the same movement. What they created has become a Frankenstein, out of their control, with which many of them must now be disillusioned, and many of them now may even be
This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.
10 Global Fifth Amendment You are my creator, but I am your master– obey. … Beware; for I am fearless, and therefore powerful. (Mary Shelley, Frankenstein) The accidental libertarian Having spent his professional life as an academic, public intellectual and media commentator, Richard Epstein built his reputation on his uncompromising libertarian interpretations of the US constitution. His views are almost always controversial, attracting attacks from academics, politicians and even conservatives. His expertise and passion are for the US legal system, out of
Kinnock was drawing on a historically informed construction of Militant that was well-established. Since 1981, the anti-Militant Labour Solidarity Campaign had argued that ‘Labour is not a revolutionary party and never has been … Labour’s roots are in the free trade union movement.’59 At Labour’s annual conference in 1982, Militant was described by the party’s General Secretary as alien to the Left’s traditions.60 Other speakers were more emphatic in their analysis: We have seen an uncontrollable Frankenstein of programmed robots nibbling away at the foundations of this
mobility and home-ownership, which helped fuel the advance of Thatcherism. As Middlemas notes, rising public expectations and assertiveness made it ever harder for the old political elites to pursue the top-down fine-tuning and balancing of interest groups that had characterised the 1950s and 1960s. This was a concern to some centrist politicians and civil servants of the consensus years, who began to fear ‘they had helped create, not a balanced polity but one dominated by a Frankenstein monster of public ingratitude, wantonness and greed’ (1986: 353–4). In fact, this