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Martin Thomas

-operation between the FCNL and the Viet Minh. This was only definitively rejected six months later by an Indo-Chinese Communist Party tract signed by Ho Chi Minh and the party Secretary-general, Truong Chinh. Their joint declaration, entitled Pour Vindépendance complète de lIndochine! , mocked the limited French resistance effort in Indo-China and called for outright Vietnamese

in The French empire at war 1940–45
Abstract only
Martin Thomas

empire were more often the product of hostile military intervention than of shifting public attitudes towards Vichy or Free France. Vichy ideology and that regime’s acute instinct for self-preservation certainly made their impact upon France’s colonial rulers. So, too, the spirit of Free French resistance and the appeal of de Gaulle’s rhetoric swayed numerous officials, soldiers and settlers across the

in The French empire at war 1940–45
Mers el-Kébir and the rhetoric of imperial confrontation in July 1940
Rachel Chin

the other hand, if the event encountered problems such as unforeseen French resistance resulting in clashes between the two parties, news regarding the proceedings would be released as they progressed in order to, ‘explain our attitude and the reasons for the action which we are taking’. 28 Both scenarios emphasized the crucial need to rhetorically justify the British actions to the broader public

in Rhetorics of empire
Martin Thomas

decolonisation which followed the Second World War. De Gaulle’s provisional government made a grave error in failing to highlight the pivotal contribution of colonial troops to the Free French military effort between 1940 and 1944. This was largely a product of the Gaullist effort to bring the French resistance to heel. As an act of political expediency, the

in The French empire at war 1940–45
Martin Thomas

movement. De Gaulle’s Appel – his BBC radio broadcast on 18 June calling for continued French resistance against Germany – produced limited short-term results. Encouraged by Major-general Edward Louis Spears, soon to be head of the War Office liaison mission to the Free French headquarters, Churchill persuaded his Ministers individually to permit de Gaulle’s broadcast in

in The French empire at war 1940–45
Martin Thomas

, in so far as the FCNL was more than a self-appointed body, its popular mandate derived primarily from the Conseil National de la Résistance, the executive of the principal metropolitan Resistance groups unified under Jean Moulin’s direction in May 1943. Endorsement from the French Resistance certainly added to the popular legitimacy of the Fighting French movement. But it

in The French empire at war 1940–45
Martin Thomas

, first to condemn French resistance groups and then to account for the collective punishment of civilian populations in retaliation for resistance killings. With an editor-in-waiting, Jean-Marie Domenach, and contributors such as André Mandouze, Georges Lavau and Paul Ricoeur, who either served in the resistance or spent years in Nazi captivity, confronting a war of decolonization that cast France in the

in Rhetorics of empire
Pressure from the countryside
Allison Drew

sabotage and feared a Sétif-like reprisal. The party was flooded with enquiries, however, as Algerians contacted it to see if it was responsible for, or had news about, the events – after all, communists had supported armed struggles ranging from the French Resistance to Vietnam’s guerrilla war. 5 The PCA’s political bureau published a statement on 2 November, apparently the only

in We are no longer in France
Communists and nationalists during the Second World War
Allison Drew

. 29; Sivan, Communisme, p. 120. Other communists went abroad: Lucien Sportisse joined the French resistance in Lyons; Caballero, Mahmoudi and others joined the Free French in Italy; Wood, ‘Remembering’, p. 259. 65 Interview with William Sportisse; Gallissot (ed.), Algérie, pp. 562

in We are no longer in France