struggle against colonialism, in the UN GeneralAssemblyResolution on the
use of mercenaries as a means of violating human rights and impeding the exercise of the right of people to self-determination. This resolution, which has been
passed on an annual basis since 1986 (2005 being the exception), recognizes
Romantic narratives in international politics
that the activities of mercenaries are contrary to fundamental principles of international law, such as non-interference in the internal affairs of States, territorial integrity and independence, and seriously
The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.
universality, to be applied in its daily operations.) The four
foundation principles are firmly anchored in international humanitarian
law, and all governments have affirmed these principles through their
acceptance of United Nations resolutions (notably UN GeneralAssemblyResolutions 46/182 in 1991, and 58/114 in 2004). A short definition of
what is meant by each of the four principles is offered by the
original Charter. By GeneralAssemblyResolution 1991 A and B
(XVIII) of 17 December 1963, the number of members in the Security
Council and ECOSOC was increased from 11 to 15 and from 18 to 27
respectively. This resolution entered into force on 30 August 1965.
At first, the alteration of Article 109 Paragraph 1 was overlooked.
This paragraph was later amended by GeneralAssemblyResolution 201
specifically, with the way it was defined in the 1980s. For instance, Kouchner – who was again Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time – argued that “France invented the droit d’ingérence . …. The Security Council talks about ‘the responsibility to protect’. It is the same thing” (in Védrine 2009 , 245–246). Similarly, in 2010 Kouchner argued in front of the UN General Assembly that GeneralAssemblyResolution 43/131 ( 1988 ) on “Humanitarian assistance to victims of natural disasters and similar emergency situations” and Security Council Resolution 688 ( 1991 ) on Iraq
provision in the Middle East and without any vested interests in the conflict, Saudi Arabia and the UAE initially appeared unwilling to accept the US position on Russia. The UAE, along with China and India, abstained in the first UN Security Council vote on 25 February 2022 aimed at denouncing the Russian invasion, but backed a similar UN GeneralAssemblyresolution on 2 March. NATO–Russia tensions over the 2022 war in Ukraine initially made it less likely that Russia would push Iran to support a new JCPOA with the US, and Russia sought assurances that US sanctions would
Assemblyresolutions on the topic. Specifically, the UN expressed general
concern that emerging technologies (especially cyber) might be used for nefarious purposes,
“inconsistent with the objectives of maintaining international stability and
security,” and the body proposed an expert panel to consider “possible
cooperative measures to address them, including norms, rules, or principles” of
states. 50 In 2015, the expert panel
articulated a set of core norms to “prevent the proliferation of malicious
realistic possibility, something reaffirmed by Amorim nearly three decades later, it contained a geopolitical logic irresistible to security thinkers in the region. The pressure to pursue some sort of localized cooperation approach to maintaining security in the area was dramatically heightened by the Falklands/Malvinas War of 1982, which ultimately pushed Brazil in 1986 to propose and win approval of a UN GeneralAssemblyresolution creating ZOPACAS. By 1994 the members agreed to a relatively inexpensive, but highly symbolic step to retrench ZOPACAS by jointly declaring
undertaken and opportunities to strengthen the United Nations’
work on peacebuilding and sustaining peace’, 24–25 April:
GeneralAssemblyResolution, A/RES/70/262, 2016; Security Council
Resolution S/RES/2282, 2016.
Visoka , G. and J.
Doyle ( 2015 ) ‘Neo-functional peace: The EU way of resolving
conflicts’, JCMS: Journal of Common
Market Studies , 54 ( 4 ): 862
solution’ to the Palestinian refugee problem. Although
the text references UN GeneralAssemblyResolution 194, the
resolution Palestinians cite as the basis of the right of return for
Palestinian refugees, the API does not use the phrase ‘right of
return’ and the term ‘just solution’ leaves the door open to the
Palestinians to make concessions to Israel on the refugee issue.
In exchange for Israeli withdrawal, the Arab countries would
‘consider the Arab–Israeli conflict ended, and enter into a peace
agreement with Israel, and provide security for all the states of