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Marianne Hanson

universality, to be applied in its daily operations.) The four foundation principles are firmly anchored in international humanitarian law, and all governments have affirmed these principles through their acceptance of United Nations resolutions (notably UN General Assembly Resolutions 46/182 in 1991, and 58/114 in 2004). A short definition of what is meant by each of the four principles is offered by the UN

in Challenging nuclearism
Consolidator or threat (2005–2011)?
Eglantine Staunton

specifically, with the way it was defined in the 1980s. For instance, Kouchner – who was again Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time – argued that “France invented the droit d’ingérence . …. The Security Council talks about ‘the responsibility to protect’. It is the same thing” (in Védrine 2009 , 245–246). Similarly, in 2010 Kouchner argued in front of the UN General Assembly that General Assembly Resolution 43/131 ( 1988 ) on “Humanitarian assistance to victims of natural disasters and similar emergency situations” and Security Council Resolution 688 ( 1991 ) on Iraq

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
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Managing an AI future
James Johnson

Assembly resolutions on the topic. Specifically, the UN expressed general concern that emerging technologies (especially cyber) might be used for nefarious purposes, “inconsistent with the objectives of maintaining international stability and security,” and the body proposed an expert panel to consider “possible cooperative measures to address them, including norms, rules, or principles” of states. 50 In 2015, the expert panel articulated a set of core norms to “prevent the proliferation of malicious information

in Artificial intelligence and the future of warfare
Eglantine Staunton

signatories. However, even though the declarations made by the executive at the time gave too much weight to the shift created by the resolutions, it would be mistaken to underestimate their importance. They constituted a key milestone in the emergence of a global consensus on humanitarian intervention by allowing the UN General Assembly to debate the idea. They also led France to play a central role in the adoption of other resolutions such as UN General Assembly Resolution 46/182 on the “Strengthening of the coordination of humanitarian emergency

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Between expansionist ambitions and hegemonic constraints
Eric Lob

, Togo, and Zimbabwe, among other African countries, voted against UN General Assembly resolutions condemning Iran's human rights record. 83 However, between 2010 and 2013, Comoros, Gambia, Malawi, and Senegal changed their previous positions by voting for such resolutions. 84 As indicated later, in the cases of Gambia and Senegal, this decision coincided with their cutting of diplomatic ties with the IRI in response to its alleged arming of local rebels

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
Lior Lehrs

revolution of 1952. 29 In March 1965 Tunisia's president Habib Bourguiba expressed unprecedented ideas and suggested that the Arab world recognize Israel on the condition that it accepted UN General Assembly resolutions 181 (the Partition Plan, 1947) and 194 (on the Palestinian refugee problem, 1948). 30 Avnery saw this as a dramatic step and devoted numerous reports to Bourguiba's initiative, criticizing Israel for its lack of response

in Unofficial peace diplomacy
The analytical framework
Eşref Aksu

original Charter. By General Assembly Resolution 1991 A and B (XVIII) of 17 December 1963, the number of members in the Security Council and ECOSOC was increased from 11 to 15 and from 18 to 27 respectively. This resolution entered into force on 30 August 1965. At first, the alteration of Article 109 Paragraph 1 was overlooked. This paragraph was later amended by General Assembly Resolution 201

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Eşref Aksu

. For years, the Phnom Penh regime had not been seated in the UN. ASEAN-sponsored General Assembly resolutions had associated the Phnom Penh regime with the Vietnamese invasion, and steadfastly refused to confer official legitimacy to it. Vietnam, on the other hand, was widely considered an aggressor. Security Council action against Hanoi and Phnom Penh had been averted only by dedicated Soviet efforts. 53 As a

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change