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Keith Hodgson

being the product of the English tradition.’9 The insignificance of two inter-war groups that were predicated upon virulent anti-Semitism, the Britons and the Imperial Fascist League, has been further cited in support of this proposition.10 However, not all who have examined British fascism have been so sure that its ultimate failure was pre-ordained. Much of the initial reporting of Italian fascism in the mainstream press was favourable,11 and its early imitator, the British Fascisti (later renamed the British Fascists), once dismissed as ineffectual,12 is now

in Fighting fascism
Abstract only
Networks, methods and strategies
Janet Clark

Branch in relation to some cases of anti-Jewish behaviour. Neither was he impressed by the reported ‘absence of dissent’ when Jews were abused at Bethnal Green meetings. This was, he observed, ‘so much the worse. If the I.F.L. [Imperial Fascist League] are known to distribute labels like “Jews: public enemy No. 1”. Is not this an offence?’86 Game’s response fell short of the assurances that the Home Secretary wanted to see and he minuted his concerns: I have never answered Capt. Hudson, I think. Nor, I think, Mr Laski, KC – and I really don’t know what to say to them

in The National Council for Civil Liberties and the policing of interwar politics
Mark Pitchford

Publishing Society. P. J. Ridout, founder of the extreme-right British Empire Party that contested one seat in the 1951 General Election, was also a former member of the pre-war Imperial Fascist League. Nor was the LEL’s connection with the pre-war extreme right limited to these individuals. Historians have depicted members of the LEL as Colonel Blimp types determined to preserve a fast-disappearing world who gingered up the Conservative Party into preserving the Empire. The cartoonist David Low created Colonel Blimp as a symbol of foolish, reactionary right

in The Conservative Party and the extreme right 1945–75
Police and Home Office responses
Janet Clark

organisation’.4 The Imperial Fascist League claimed to be ‘rather grateful to the Home Secretary’ for saving its members the expense of uniforms worn to compete with other groups.5 Fenner Brockway claimed that the red shirt worn by Independent Labour Party members was for rambles, sport and weekend outings and was not political.6 The BUF wanted a test case and argued that a black shirt worn with a tie under an overcoat did not contravene the terms of the Act.7 Game did not care to enter into dialogue on the matter with the BUF, especially as his legal advice considered that

in The National Council for Civil Liberties and the policing of interwar politics
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Elisabeth Carter

Fascist League. They were concerned above all with the racial purity of Britain and warned against the degeneration of the British race brought about by ethnic cross-breeding (Thurlow, 1998: 265–6). They were also distinctively anti-Semitic. Despite some change in direction when Nick Griffin and Joe Pierce took control of the NF in 1983, this type of racism still characterizes the party’s inner core, although publicly the repatriation of blacks on the grounds of non-assimilation is emphasized (Husbands, 1988a: 71–2). The BNP also adheres to classical racism. This

in The extreme right in Western Europe