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Mark Olssen

power is distributed in a plurality of centres across the social domain. This insight can today be extended to include the global order generally. This is also the basis of Foucault’s pluralism and the key to his political activism in support of prison reform, on behalf of the Polish Solidarity Movement, for the rights of victims of oppression, and against the Shah of Iran, when Foucault agitated regularly to redress power imbalances and secure the rights of marginalized groups. The possible homology with Montesquieu, on the issue of power at least, is striking. So

in Constructing Foucault’s ethics
Catherine Baker

the aesthetics of transatlantic female celebrity, available across some racialised boundaries to certain women (conventionally attractive to a male heterosexual gaze) who could have many different racial and ethnic identities (Latina; biracial; any spatialised ethnic origin ‘from’ Spanish ‘to’ Iranian; light-skinned but black; dark-haired but white; or not even stated). Pop sometimes signifies their ‘erotic multiculturalism’ (Mcgee 2012 ) sonically with ‘oriental’ strings. Many women from the Balkans might occupy this ambiguous category, where contemporary

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Catherine Baker

). 6 Did this title symbolically cast satellites like East Germany as ‘sons’ of Soviet Russia? 7 Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, the People's Republic of China, Cyprus, Egypt, Ethiopia, the Gold Coast (soon to become Ghana), India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Japan, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, Thailand, Turkey

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Abstract only
Legal pluralism in the world society
Gunther Teubner

Three’ in international commercial arbitration – the Chambre de Commerce International, the Iran–United States Claims Tribunal and the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes. 83 A reputational hierarchy will substitute for an organisational hierarchy. Similarly, the political linkage between episodes of adjudication and legislative-parliamentary bodies familiar from the traditional

in Critical theory and legal autopoiesis
Catherine Baker

emerging Yugoslavism) had believed Serbs, after long servitude under the Ottomans, lacked Croats' cultural advancement and state-building capacity. Croat nationalists of the 1920s had used racialised categories to posit Croats and Serbs had different histories of ethnic mixing (Serbs intermarrying more with Vlachs and Roma, Croats having more Nordic and Aryan blood) and oppose the unitarist idea of Yugoslavs as a homogenous race (Bartulin 2008 : 84–5). Pavelić went further, arguing that Croats were not even Slavs but had separate Iranian, and therefore Aryan, descent

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Anastasia Marinopoulou

, as Foucault claims, which turns radical politics into the negation of its own enlightenment. No wonder that Foucault’s consideration of radical politics was not particularly attractive, but rather dystopian. Despite being of presentist intentions, his concern for political practices and applications was notoriously marred by his defence of the Iranian revolution in the late 1970s. Foucault’s position –​that power concerns the here and now –​was widely accepted in opposition to the allegedly universal suffocation of dialectical reason and rational discourse, but was

in Critical theory and epistemology
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Anastasia Marinopoulou

epistemological and social agenda might have led Luhmann to adopt major fallacies which would tally with similar understandings of epistemology and politics, such as Heidegger’s support of Nazism in the 1930s and Foucault’s defence of the Iranian revolution in the 1970s. It is no mere coincidence that traces if not significant elements within the latter thinkers’ works of a desubjectivized epistemology and anti-​dialectical critique were closely affiliated with equivalent political arguments in their work. 23 Niklas Luhmann, Die Wissenschaft der Gesellschaft (Frankfurt am

in Critical theory and epistemology
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Rainer Bauböck

accept this as a market risk. Yet, it would still be absurd to claim that the trade sanctions against Iran gave that country's government not merely a claim to specific justification (which was actually provided) but to participation in the decision about the sanctions. In other instances, ex post justification is not enough and ex ante procedural representation is called for. Miller's GHP is a good candidate for identifying such cases, except

in Democratic inclusion