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Tracey Nicholls

discussion of Foucault’s attempt to think beyond secular politics, to think about spirituality as a site – or perhaps, as a constitutive attitude? – for revolutionary solidarity, emphasises the centrality of Iran’s theocratic revolution within Foucault’s later political thought, a connection they noted is the central focus of Janet Afary and Kevin B

in Foucault’s theatres
Michael Byers

in 1981 – avoided claiming any such right. The United States implausibly justified its 1962 blockade of Cuba as ‘regional peacekeeping’. Israel justified the strikes that initiated the 1967 Six-Day War as a response to a prior act of aggression. The United States argued that the shooting down of an Iranian airliner in 1988, although mistaken, was in response to an ongoing attack. For the most part, these and other countries chose not to claim or condone a right of pre-emptive self-defence during the Cold War when nuclear missile submarines on hair-trigger alert

in ‘War on terror’
Stanley R. Sloan

Syria against Syrian Kurds, US allies against ISIL, have likely already frozen prospects for further progress toward EU membership. Meanwhile, Ankara has actively pursued closer working relationships with Russia and Islamic nations, including Iran. Frustrations with the stalled EU negotiations have served as one of the motivations – or excuses – for Erdoğan to pursue closer ties with Russia, despite recent serious tensions with Moscow. Visits to Ankara by the chiefs of the Iranian and Russian general staffs indicate that they have overcome tensions caused by Turkey

in Transatlantic traumas
Dino Kritsiotis

(4) of the Charter proscribes the threat as well as the use of force. They are not therefore limited to actual applications or instances of force – at least not in theory – and it is important that we recognize the actual or potential relevance of these rules well before the ‘launch’ of any ‘air strikes’ (considered by Byers in respect of the United States and Iran). So the Security Council seemed to say in Resolution 487 (1981) when it advised Israel against making any ‘threats’ of force. Yet such threats have become a recurring theme in international politics since

in ‘War on terror’
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Nigel D. White

Guinea-Bissau, 100 Iran, 101 North Korea, 102 Liberia, 103 Sierra Leone, 104 Somalia, 105 Eritrea, 106 South Sudan 107 and Yemen. 108 While targeted sanctions generally reduce the impact on the socio-economic rights of citizens whose regime elites are subject to those measures, they do not completely eliminate them. Sanctions against Iran are a case in point, although the sanctions were imposed by the United States and the EU 109 as well as the UN, making it more difficult to identify any causal link between the different institutional measures and their

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
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Not what they were
Michael Clarke

and out of uniform (an illegal practice in international law). Other than the phenomenon of social media and cyberattack, there is nothing conceptually new in such hybrid warfare, but western powers have not had to deal with it since the height of the Cold War in the 1950s and 1960s, and some of the West’s avowed adversaries, particularly Russia and Iran, have used the technique with some sophistication and effect in recent years. So too, in certain respects, have China and North Korea. Hybrid warfare is certainly a

in The challenge of defending Britain
Khaled Abou El Fadl

Qur’an and in theological beliefs. Of particular interest to me is the unifying impact of Islamic law on Muslim cultures and particularly on the possibility of Islamic human rights commitments. For most Muslims, Islamic law is the normative system to which they willingly defer. There are also countries like Saudi Arabia or Iran, where a particular interpretation of Islamic law enjoys mandatory authority. In these states, governments perform a considerable amount of socio-cultural engineering under the pretence of applying God’s law. II What is the

in ‘War on terror’
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Bat-Ami Bar On

-state terrorists and states that reject internationally recognized constraints (in the Bush administration’s language, these are ‘rogue states’). 27 Currently Iran is cited as the archetype of the rogue state. However, Iran seems to be merely playing the same game as the U.S. as it flexes its growing nuclear muscles. 28 II My claim about the fundamental similarity of outlook between terrorism and realism in international relations is an uncomfortable one and I should like to find a counter-argument. Terrorism – and I do not mean to demonize it – seems different

in ‘War on terror’
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Alistair Cole

stance probably overplays French capacity: visits to Iran and Russia by the foreign affairs minister Le Drian, for example, made no difference to the activities of Iran and Russia in Syria. And Macron had little influence over the Turkish leader Recep Erdoğan or the Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The en même temps doctrine also appeared to be inconsistently applied when he was faced with authoritarian political leaders, depending on French interests. There was a clear inequality of treatment between Egypt's General Sisi – a harsh authoritarian leader who

in Emmanuel Macron and the two years that changed France
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The coming of the neo-liberal world
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

. It stimulated a human-rights movement and sparked the establishment, in 1980, of an independent labour union, Solidarity. Its success encouraged similar organizations and anti-communist movements in other East Bloc countries as well. The enormous popularity of Pope John Paul II was a huge challenge to the Soviet empire, which was committed to an increasingly unpopular atheism. The rising importance of religion was apparent in other parts of the world as well. Not the least in the Middle East. In 1979 the secular Shah Reza Pahlavi of Iran was overthrown and

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)