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Constance Duncombe

In this chapter I continue my case study of the representations that frame Iran–US foreign policy discourse. My key objective is to examine Iranian representations of itself, the US and Iran's nuclear program. While the previous chapter outlined US representations of itself (good, rational, leader of the international community) and Iran (dangerous, irrational, aggressive, undeveloped), illustrating how this produces a particular discursive framework through which it understands Iran and its nuclear program, I now do the opposite. In the

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics
Constance Duncombe

The image of Iran stretches back thousands of years to the time of Cyrus the Great and the Persian Empire. The vast empire covered lands from Asia Minor to Europe and Egypt, and was the largest of its kind until the last emperor was overthrown by Alexander the Great. Thus, the components feeding into Iranian state identity have been continually negotiated and (re)constructed over time. Iranian state identity under the Pahlavi shahs, from 1925 until the overthrow of the last shah in 1979, is often understood as completely distinct from the post-Iranian

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics
Constance Duncombe

In this chapter I begin my case study of the representations that frame foreign policy discourse between Iran and the US. My key objective is to examine US representations of itself, Iran and Iran's nuclear program. In July 2015 Iran and the US finally reached an agreement on the nuclear issue that allows Iran limited nuclear technological capacity in exchange for the lifting of certain sanctions. However, questions remain about how best to explain the success of this deal, considering the decades of animosity between the two nations, which

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

approached human rights – to do with our good relations with Iran, for example. There was a tension, but I don’t think there was an ontological contradiction. I think it is possible to work for a more democratic order – diffusing power, creating a more stable balance of power – while strengthening and democratising certain value systems. Doing so in a cooperative way, too. People might say it was just Brazil trying to extend its power and join the [UN] Security Council. But, in projecting soft power, I believe we were also promoting positive things: South

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Mel Bunce

‘disinformatyza’: ‘news that’s not trying to persuade you … it’s trying to pollute the news ecosystem, to make it difficult or impossible to trust anything. … Disinformatyza helps reduce trust in institutions of all sorts, leading people either to disengage with politics as a whole or to put their trust in strong leaders who promise to rise above the sound and fury’ (2017). In 2018, extensive disinformation campaigns were traced back to Iran, too. More than 600 Facebook pages and 300 Twitter accounts linked to the Iranian regime were shut down for their

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
José Luís Fiori

identifies the threats to American national interests ( ibid .: 25–6): 1) Russia and China, the two great ‘revisionist powers’; 2) North Korea and Iran, two ‘rogue states’ that undermine geopolitical equilibrium in Northeast Asia and the Middle East; 3) ‘Jihadist terrorist groups’ and international criminal organisations that propagate violence and traffic drugs and arms. The document offers an extensive list of actions to be undertaken by the US to achieve strategic objectives and confront rivals, from controlling borders to increasing military

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Rethinking Digital Divides by Linda Leung
Antonio Díaz Andrade

she organises into three groups by the geographical regions they come from: South East Asians (from Cambodia, Burma and Thailand), Africans and the third group, comprising Iraqis, Iranians and Afghans. She discovers differences in their ability to use telecommunications technology (e.g. telephones, fax machines and mobile phones), depending on their countries of origin, suggesting that conflict, war or government surveillance hindered their abilities. Leung also observes that exposure to new

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Planned Obsolescence of Medical Humanitarian Missions: An Interview with Tony Redmond, Professor and Practitioner of International Emergency Medicine and Co-founder of HCRI and UK-Med

Introduction As an academic and practitioner for more than forty years, we asked Tony for his take on innovation from a personal perspective and how this might have changed throughout his career. Tony has worked with medical emergency teams in a range of disasters and conflicts including earthquakes in Armenia (1988), Iran (1990), China (2008) and Haiti (2010), conflicts in Bosnia (1991–96), Kosovo (1999–2000), Sierra Leone (2000) and Gaza (2014

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Military Tactic or Collateral Damage?
Abdulkarim Ekzayez and Ammar Sabouni

airstrikes, causing severe damage to the civilian infrastructure. In April 2016, and as a result of negotiations between the Iranian government and opposition factions controlling two besieged Shia towns in Idleb governorate, the GoS allowed some medical cases to be evacuated from Madaya ( Human Rights Watch, 2016 ). A year later, all of the anti-GoS population were evacuated from the town in what was called ‘the four besieged towns agreement’. The deal led to the evacuation of both Madaya and Zabadani towns in western Ghouta to other opposition-held areas in return for

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

. Your enemy will not be afraid of your retaliation if it has nuclear weapons and you do not, as Iran, Israel, North Korea and the US all understand. This need for parity is always an issue, classically captured by the relative stability of mutually assured destruction. But where China, Russia and the US are concerned, it doesn’t hold. Without the leverage provided by the US, whether through threats or incentives, China and Russia only need to agree to international rules when they choose to. Who could compel them to do otherwise (unless one of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs