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Niilo Kauppi

and their representatives, Prime Minister Edouard Baladur and Jacques Chirac: unemployment and Europe (Mitterrand 1994; Rocard 1994; Stasi 1994). In effect, Europe became already in 1995 one of the two most important issues in French domestic politics: some would even say, the most important. In 2001, both main presidential candidates Jacques Chirac and Lionel Jospin had developed their own visions of Europe and of France in Europe. A clear example of the shifting political meaning of European institutions was the attempt by the Socialist Party to present Jacques

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
Niilo Kauppi

Madelin, included representatives of different wings of these three parties (RPR, DL and GE): from the followers of President Jacques Chirac to supporters of former Speaker of the National Assembly Philippe Séguin, former Prime Minister Alain Juppé, and various public figures, regional representatives, women politicians, and so on. In France proportional lists have to pass a 5 per cent threshold. If a list does not get 5 per cent of the total of votes, it gets no seats. In preventing the smallest coalitions from being represented, this threshold hinders the excessive

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
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Diplomatic embarrassment and European democratic identity
Emmanuel-Pierre Guittet

the organisation of regular inter-governmental meetings and of a yearly summit between the French President and the Spanish Prime Minister confirmed the good relationship between the two neighbouring countries. 41 The French co-operation against ETA would further evolve when in 1986, short of a parliamentary majority, President Mitterrand was pushed to cohabit with the opposition. 42 With Jacques Chirac as Prime Minister and Charles Pasqua as Minister of the Interior

in Counter-terror by proxy
Lea Bou Khater

and services during 1995 and to determine the cost-of-living adjustment that should be carried out for 1996. 54 While the GCWL demanded a 76 per cent wage increase, business representatives were unwilling to offer more than 15 per cent. At this point, the committee suspended its meetings. 55 As a response to the Government’s silence and inaction, the GCWL decided to use the imminent visit of the French President Jacques Chirac to pressure the Government and therefore issued an ultimatum: the Government would answer the

in The labour movement in Lebanon
Harry Blutstein

. Surprisingly, 22 per cent said that they viewed globalisation less favourably as a result of the demonstrations.8 Unable to ignore this shift in public opinion, politicians responded. In France, the left called for ‘mondialisation maîtrisée’ (managed globalisation), while the right favoured ‘mondialisation humaine’ (globalisation with a human face).9 One of the most unexpected converts was President Jacques Chirac, who had introduced neoliberal reforms into France during the late 1990s. After protesters attacked the G-­8 meeting in Genoa, which he had just attended, Chirac

in The ascent of globalisation
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Eglantine Staunton

presidency: for instance, as shown in more detail in the Appendix, François Mitterrand had seven different prime ministers and four ministers of foreign affairs; Jacques Chirac had four prime ministers and five ministers of foreign affairs; Nicolas Sarkozy had one prime minister and three ministers of foreign affairs; and Hollande had two prime ministers and two ministers of foreign affairs. Each minister came with their own advisors. Consequently, this book specifies as far as possible which members of the executive it is referring to and pays particular attention to the

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

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Modernity, welfare state and Eutopia
Shivdeep Grewal

American Revolution and the Declaration of Independence of 1776. Irrespective of their appropriateness, the rhetorical force of these analogies generally exceeded that of arguments in favour of the European Constitution, though French President Jacques Chirac did describe the latter as the ‘daughter’ of the Revolution of 1789. There were refusals, too, both esoteric and populist, of Enlightenment progressivism. The proponents could be distinguished equally from the neoconservatives and Habermas’s Cosmopolitan stance. Writing of

in Habermas and European integration
Niilo Kauppi

French Minister of Agriculture Jacques Chirac publicly attacked him in Le Monde and denounced him as 'knowingly ignoring the interests of the country' (de Donat 1979, 139). The Economist could write in 1992 about Jacques Delors's relationship with Mitterrand, revealing the Social and constitutional integration 77 dependency of Commissioners on domestic decision-makers: 'If the French socialists take a drubbing in local elections in March, Mr Mitterrand might call Mr Delors home to be prime minister. The offer would not thrill him' (The Economist 1992, 46

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
Abstract only
Harry Blutstein

Not a Loner, Just Choosy’, New York Times (31 July 2001).   2 The US further coerced other countries to sign an agreement that they would not surrender any American to the International Criminal Court, which is a breach of the Rome Treaty under which the Court was created.   3 In this instance, both Presidents Bush and Obama supported the treaty’s ratification, but it faced determined opposition in the US Senate from hard-­line Republicans.   4 G.W. Bush, ‘President Welcomes President Chirac to White House’, Joint News Conference with French President Jacques

in The ascent of globalisation