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appropriations of the theatrical. From there, the chapter moves to a more general, and conceptual, analysis of the interconnections between the platform and the stage which argues for an understanding of theatre as a deep, generative structure which makes radical politics possible. This analysis draws heavily on the work of Jacques Rancière, particularly his concept of ‘primary aesthetics’. As Malcolm Chase’s and Robert Poole’s contributions to this collection demonstrate, there are multiple interconnections between the theatre and radical politics in the early nineteenth
the long and radical struggles for decolonisation. Our focus is specifically on the long sixties as a site of political optimism and sustained struggle, what Jacques Rancière calls ‘a time of historical faith’, that illuminates histories and politics which were determinately revolutionary and self-consciously internationalist. 16 Beyond its articulation within the Global South, the anticolonial
, Marin Karmitz, André Glucksmann, Robert Linhart, Christain Jambet, Michel Le Bris as well as Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Gilles Deleuze, Michel Foucault, Jacques Rancière and Jean-Luc Godard. Despite its prominence and the lasting impact its sympathisers had on French society, the GP has elicited very little serious archival or historical work. Immigrants into workers
described) the historian’s crab-like thinking backwards, he also suggested that her nostalgia for origins and original referents cannot be satisfied, because there is actually nothing there: she is not looking for anything: only silence, the space shaped by what once was; and now is no more.41 What has survived – the ghost – is not the thing itself, but what has already been said and written about it. ‘There is history’, says Jacques Rancière, ‘because there is the past and a specific passion for the past. And there is history because there is an absence … The status of
called the vast condescension of posterity.49 Other kinds of historian have been plain-speaking about our desires: social historians’ desire that our historical subjects be the way we want them to be. In 1977, Jacques Rancière addressed a History Workshop held in Oxford on the topic of ‘French social historiography … and the real deep gap between French social history as an intellectual product and the organised working-class movements’. He emphasised social history’s effacement by Annales-school longue durée history in general, and the ‘motionless history’ of Leroy
development and the manner in which it left a complicated legacy. 104 104 Popular virtue Historians have generally regarded moral improvement culture in this period in terms of intellectual and literary aspirations.2 Case studies of the leaders of working-class political movements similarly emphasise a distance between themselves and their constituencies engendered by a desire to escape and a sense of intellectual or cultural superiority. Jacques Rancieré, in his study of French artisans during the 1830s, argued that worker-intellectuals ‘were seeking intellectual
Discourse from Braudel to Chartier, Johns Hopkins University Press, Maryland MD, 1992; Jacques Rancière, The Names of History. On the Poetics of Knowledge, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis MN, 1994; Philippe Carrard, ‘History as a kind of writing. Michael de Certeau and the poetics of historiography’, South Atlantic Quarterly, 100:2 (2001), pp. 465–483. For history as a genre of writing, see Devoney Looser, British Women Writers and the Writing of History, 1670–1820, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore MD, 2000; Anders Ingram, Writing the Ottomans. Turkish
of writing. Michel de Certeau and the poetics of historiography’, The South Atlantic Quarterly, 100:2 (2001), pp. 465–482; Jacques Rancière, The Names of History. On the Poetics of Knowledge (1992), University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis MN, 1994. See also Frank Kermode’s remarks on history-as-writing in History and Value, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1988, pp. 108–127. 28 See above, Chapter 3. 29 Illustrated Guide to the National Museum in Naples. Sanctioned by the Ministry of Education, Richter, Naples, 1909. STEEDMAN 9781526125217 PRINT.indd 193 16
ADSSD AM 281J AM I B1 Marty, Affaire, p. 10. 41 Mark Michael Smith (ed.), Hearing History: A Reader (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2004). 42 Sophia Rosenfeld, ‘On being heard: a case for paying attention to the historical ear’, American Historical Review, 116, 2 (2011), pp. 316–34. Jacques Rancière, The Politics of Aesthetics: Distribution of the Sensible (London: Bloomsbury, 2013). Jean-Rémy Julien, ‘Paris: cris, sons, bruits: l’environnement sonore des années pré-révolutionnaires d’après Le Tableau de Paris de Sébastien Mercier’, in Jean-Rémy Julien et
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989), pp. 101–18, esp. p. 112; Jacques Ranciere, The Names of History: On the Poetics of Knowledge, trans. Hassan Melehy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994). 13 Bonnie Smith, The Gender of History: Men, Women and Historical Practice (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), pp. 103–5, 130–55. 14 David Armstrong, ‘Silence and truth in death and dying’, Social Science and Medicine 74 (1987), 655. 15 There is now a burgeoning literature on historical conceptions of death, see: Philippe Ariès, The Hour of our