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first section of the chapter the imagination of future communism, and discuss Susan Stryker’s trans theory in dialogue with Jacques Rancière’s idea of communism. In the second section I investigate the production of Cold War films in relation to transgender/queer politics and labor resistance. Unlike Tony Shaw, I read the film It Came from Outer Space as a clear statement in
one-term mayor. This chapter details Food Not Bombs’ resistance to Frank Jordan’s Matrix program, paying special attention to the daily meal services and the group’s public occupation of UN Plaza during the 50th anniversary for the United Nations. Before detailing the history of resistance, we will first delve into an important theoretical discussion of what Food Not Bombs did, focusing on how, according to Jacques Rancière, they engaged in politics, and how, following Eduardo Glissant, they embraced a right to opacity and 84 COOKING UP A REVOLUTION weaponized
. (Jacques Rancière) In November 2013 Moroccan-Belgian filmmaker Nabil Ben Yadir released his second feature film, La Marche, to commemorate the thirtieth anniversary Out-marching exclusion and hatred 117 of the first national anti-racist movement in France. The six-week march was a historical touchstone event that mobilized over 100,000 demonstrators. It was described as France’s equivalent of America’s civil rights protests, a 500-mile march from Marseille to Paris, intended to awaken France to State racism, violence, and rampant discriminatory practices in its midst
Ivan Vladislavić, Double Negative (Cape Town: Random House, 2011), 90–91. 2 Yoliswa Sobuwa, ‘Homeless Man Wants His Shack Back from Museum’, Herald , 10 September 2014. 3 Derek Hook, (Post)Apartheid Conditions: Psychoanalysis and Social Formation (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). 4 Lodge, Sharpeville , 347. 5 Jacques Rancière, The Emancipated Spectator , trans. Gregory Elliott (London: Verso Books, 2009), 22.
C u lt u r e i n M a n c h e s t e r useful.15 However, this allows little scope for working-class resistance, which in MaD’s case took the form of seeking to create an alternative and oppositional cultural space. As we shall see later in this essay, MaD’s actions support Jacques Rancière’s conclusion that working-class actors can exercise a degree of autonomy and resistance within the cultural sphere, albeit within strict limits.16 I came to understand that any class analysis must interrogate those who hold power as well as those who lack it. Unfortunately, time
Management Journal , 45 ( 2 ), 6–19 . Foster Gage , F. , and Rancière , J. ( 2019 ). Politics equals aesthetics: a conversation between Jacques Rancière and Mark Foster Gage . In M. Foster Gage , ed., Aesthetics Equals Politics. Cambridge, MA : MIT Press , 9–25 . Ghirardo , D. ( 1990 ). The deceit of
interpositioning of the most diverse of contents – sexuality and madness, for example – that Jacques Rancière identifies in Michel Foucault’s ‘dispositif’ [apparatus] (1976), is in close dialogue with the formal sociology as suggested by Georg Simmel (2010a [1918], p1): Man’s position in the world is defined by the fact he constantly finds himself between two boundaries in every dimension of his being and behaviour. This condition appears as the formal structure of our existence, filled as it always is with different contents in life’s diverse provinces, activities and destinies
transforms the story of the long journey through France’s hinterland into a metaphor of ‘solidarity and connectedness across gender, class, race and sex divides’ and a paradigm for political intervention (p. 118). Undermining the stereotypical association banlieue–immigration–lawlessness and the French State’s systemic discrimination against immigrants from former colonies based on national amnesia, La Marche is a ‘heterogeneous text that weaves a new relationship between present and past’ and transforms France’s national historiography (p. 123). Using Jacques Rancière’s
exclude them from the political and physical spaces of the city. In chapter 5, I turn to the activism and politics of anarchist homeless activists in resisting the cities’ attempts to exclude the homeless. I turn to two important political theorists to make sense of the resistance of Food Not Bombs: Jacques Rancière and Eduard Glissant. Rancière’s short piece “Ten theses on politics” provides a powerful understanding of the way that disruptive actions and resistance expand political space, while Glissant’s idea of right to opacity examines the complex relationship of
of human rights is epitomised by Hannah Arendt’s paradox that the loss of human rights happens at the very moment that the person becomes only human, that is without citizenship, profession, identity, etc. (Balfour and Cadava, 2004: 281); or, as Jacques Rancière describes it, ‘the rights of Man are the rights of those who are only human beings, who have no more property left than the property of being human’ (2004b: 298). One of the ways to think about the spectatorship of suffering involved in the narrativisation of asylum claims follows this paradox, and proposes