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Introduction This chapter will discuss the legacy of the Obama administration of 2009–17 for US–Japan relations. It will highlight elements of change and continuity that characterised the Obama years in the realms of security and economic policy, as well as the significance of historical memory and the processes of reconciliation between the two countries. It will also discuss policy shifts promoted by the administration of President Donald Trump at around the halfway mark of his 2017–21 presidential term in office. The Trump presidency, it is argued, has
Introduction T he sharp change in Tokyo’s strategy towards regional security multilateralism well illustrates Japan’s decentring from the US after the Cold War, even while nonetheless serving, at least so far, to support, if not strengthen, the Japan–US alliance. This chapter examines how Japan has used regional multilateralism since 1991 for several purposes: to help keep the US engaged in the region; to reassure Japan’s neighbours that Tokyo would not again threaten their security, even as it began playing a
How does Japan understand its place in the international order? And how do its policymakers then respond to challenges presented by that order to the country's national interests? Japan has an established discourse on international order ( kokusai chitsujo ), as well as a literature which focuses on questions of multipolarisation ( takyokuka ). This encompasses both scholarly research in International Relations (IR) and more policy-oriented analysis. 1 An important characteristic of the
Introduction Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK) are both noted for their large imports of Middle East energy supplies. Alongside China, their economic relations with Saudi Arabia and the UAE grew rapidly in the 1980s. However, strategic realities in Asia continue to dominate intra-Asian relations, whether the demise of the USSR, security relations with the US, the rise of China, growing regionalism, energy considerations and new trade and investment opportunities due to the Arab Gulf Vision strategies. Always present is
Introduction I n a March 2000 meeting between the foreign ministers of Japan and Vietnam, the Japanese side proposed the establishment of bilateral politico-military consultations ( Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, 2000 ). The proposal marked the entry of security cooperation with Vietnam on Japan’s public and official security agenda. While irregular bilateral working-level security consultations ensued in the decade to come, 2011 marks a turning point, as Japan–Vietnam security relations refocused
Introduction J apan–Europe relations were centred initially on cultural exchanges after World War II and then on the economy, in particular trade. Security ties, on the other hand, have emerged more recently as an area for cooperation. Symbolically, this emerged as an area for cooperation in 1991, when the European Community (EC) and Japan announced the Hague Declaration. Both sides agreed to ‘strengthen their cooperation’ in broader areas beyond trade. Included in the areas of cooperation were peace
Introduction W hen we think about Japan–India security relations as they stand today, it must not be forgotten that Japan is located far from India. It takes about 10 hours to fly from Tokyo to New Delhi. The database of Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs points out that about 9,000 Japanese lived in India in 2016, while about 422,000 Japanese lived in the US; about 128,000 Japanese lived in China and about 19,000 Japanese lived in Indonesia ( Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, 2016 ). These factors that
actions undertaken by the major players to date – first and foremost, China and the US. But less emphasis has been given to what other, ‘lesser’ extra-regional powers have been doing in the grander scheme of things in the SCS thus far. But to call these ‘lesser’ players second fiddle to the Great Powers may miss the point. While carrying out their roles in the latter’s shadow, these players are no less significant. One of them is Japan. Though geographically distant from the SCS, Japan is a major player. One just needs to recall the keen
/disaster relief (HA/DR). By contrast, the key trend that has been emerging over the past few years, particularly since the inauguration of the second Shinz ō Abe government in December 2012, is that Japan and Australia are going beyond the first evolution and developing bilateral cooperation in more traditional security fields. This is what this chapter calls the second evolution of Japan–Australia security ties. Even though, to the disappointment of experts and officials in many quarters of both countries, Japan was not chosen as the primary partner
Introduction T he EU and Japan have – at least on paper – big plans as regards cooperation in international politics and security. The instrument and agreement through which such increased and institutionalised cooperation is envisioned to take place is the so-called Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA). The SPA will cover EU–Japan cooperation in regional and global politics and security and is envisioned to give the current EU–Japan ad hoc cooperation in the realms of politics and security an institutional