The rapprochement between Germany and Israel in the aftermath of the Holocaust is one of the most striking political developments of the twentieth century. German Chancellor Angela Merkel recently referred to it as a ‘miracle’. But how did this ‘miracle’ come about? Drawing upon sources from both sides of the Iron Curtain and of the Arab–Israeli conflict, Lorena De Vita traces the contradictions and dilemmas that shaped the making of German–Israeli relations at the outset of the global Cold War. Israelpolitik offers new insights not only into the history of German–Israeli relations, but also into the Cold War competition between the two German states, as each attempted to strengthen its position in the Middle East and the international arena while struggling with the legacy of the Nazi past.
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KonradAdenauer (Freiburg: Herder, 2019); C. Fink , West Germany and Israel: Foreign Relations, Domestic Politics, and the Cold War, 1965–1974 ( Cambridge : Cambrige University Press , 2019 ); D. Marwecki, Germany and Israel: Whitewashing and Statebuilding (London: Hurst, 2020). Specific attention must be paid to the works published by former Israeli ambassadors to the FRG. These include: A. Ben-Natan, Brücke bauen – aber nicht vergessen: Als erster Botschafter Israels in der Bundesrepublik (Düsseldorf: Droste, 2005); Y. Meroz, In schwieriger Mission: Als
In July 1956, KonradAdenauer was in Bühlerhöhe, his favourite inn in the Black Forest region, enjoying his escape from Bonn’s hectic political life in the company of his son, relishing the quiet of the place. But the Chancellor’s break was interrupted by worrying news coming from Cairo – Gamal Abdel Nasser, who had recently removed his former ally Naguib from power and assumed the presidency of Egypt, announced in a live broadcast that he would nationalise the Suez Canal Company. The Company was a British–French enterprise which, thanks to the political
Contemporary dynamics of EU–LAC inter-parliamentary relations
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Socialists and Democrats ( 2017 ). “ Progressives in the EU and Latin America move forward towards the EU–CELAC summit ”, Press Release
von Stauffenberg were gradually elevated to similar status in post-war
West Germany, the legacy of Nazism counselled caution in any form of
heightened admiration. Those who did come to command respect did so for
their doughtiness in establishing democratic and economic stability, for
example, such as the conservative post-war politicians KonradAdenauer and
Ludwig Erhard, but they were hardly considered heroes. Literary giants like
many other Jewish organisations that by the end of the 1940s were working tirelessly around the globe to help the victims of German persecution.
An important prelude to the discussions in the Israeli cabinet had played out on 25 November 1949 when, during an interview with the editor-in-chief of the weekly publication Allgemeine Wochenschrift der Juden in Deutschland , West German Chancellor KonradAdenauer declared that ‘as a first, direct sign’ of the West German intention to ‘make good for the injustice inflicted by the Nazis on the Jews’, the
, Annotation of State Secretary Carstens, 17 August 1963.
82 AAPD, 1963, Vol. II, Doc. 318, Schröder to Adenauer, 27 August 1963.
83 Emphasis added. Ibid .
84 ‘Geheimaktion Gerstenmaier’, Der Spiegel , 12 December 1962, pp. 74–5.
85 AAPD, 1962, Vol. III, Doc. 479, Weber (Cairo) to the Foreign Office, 11 December 1962.
86 AAPD, 1963, Vol. II, Doc. 341, Adenauer to the Foreign Office, 16 September 1963. On the topic see also H. J. Küsters (ed.), Adenauer, Israel und das Judentum ( Bonn : Bouvier , 2004 ).
87 Schwarz, KonradAdenauer , p. 443
West German chancellor KonradAdenauer said in 1946; ‘[N]ationalism
has experienced the strongest intellectual resistance in those catholic and
protestant parts of Germany that least fell for the teachings of Karl
Marx’ (cited in Weber & Kowert 2007 , 47). He thereby distanced himself at once from
socialism and Prussian, state-led nationalism, to which he felt the
Rhineland had never really subscribed. Concepts
were not at all enthusiastic about the prospect of integration into a Euro-Atlantic framework, believing that it would destroy chances for eventual German reunification. In response to domestic criticism, Chancellor KonradAdenauer felt compelled to press for equal treatment for Germany in return for Germany’s willingness to join in the economic and military enterprises that were being designed mainly in Paris, London, and Washington. Adenauer had his own agenda: independent statehood for Germany. But Acheson apparently was convinced that the French government might