Search results
; Germany; Italy; Netherlands; Portugal; Republic of Korea; Switzerland; United Kingdom, and Venezuela. After the first six agreements were sent by the Executive Power to Congress for approval, 46 in March 2002 an Interministerial Working Group was created to analyze their compatibility with the domestic legal system. The Group determined that it was convenient to withdraw the
a global scale. The investment facilitation debate The debate on investment facilitation is relatively new, though it has intensified since Brazil, Argentina, Russia, China, and the MIKTA countries (Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey, and Australia) started to promote it at a multilateral level. 7 In 2017, these countries submitted their proposals
la adecuación de la ley sindical coreana (Korean Trade Union Act 1997) y otras leyes laborales con las obligaciones derivadas del acuerdo comercial. Además de listar las medidas internas que se consideran incompatibles el texto de la Comisión indica que los esfuerzos de Corea para ratificar cuatro convenios fundamentales de la ILO (87, 98, 29 y 105) son insuficientes
, Portugal, Switzerland, United Kingdom, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, South Korea, Venezuela, Cuba, the Netherlands, and the Belgium Luxembourg Economic Union. See UNCTAD, Investment Policy Hub https://investmentpolicy.unctad.org/international- investment-agreements/countries/27/brazil accessed 22 October 2021
must not be forgotten that coalitions often require much greater resources (in terms of troops, equipment and support) than peacekeeping operations, with forces in Korea in 1950 and Kuwait in 1990 being in excess of 100,000 troops, while the smaller observer forces number less than 100 (although typically a peacekeeping force numbers in the region of 5–20,000 troops). Case Study 16: From Korea to Kuwait The UN’s practice in developing a decentralised military option shows how the predominance of states in the make-up, command and control of the force balances
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
minimum, a stance of ‘nonbelligerency’ in favour of the UN side. To a large extent, this occurred in the two most conspicuous cases in which the UN Security Council authorised military action against identified aggressors: against North Korea in 1950–53 and Iraq in 1990–91. These were just wars of the purest water. In both of these situations, traditionally neutral states, for the
international law. The response appears ‘natural’, especially because it opposes the ‘evil forces’ to the ‘united strength of the free peoples of the world’. The same pattern emerges from Battle Beneath the Earth 24 where a Chinese general orders the digging of thousands of kilometres of tunnels under the Pacific to invade the United States ‘from beneath’. Fortunately, the plan is thwarted and the enemy is pushed back. This is also the case in Red Dawn 25 (with a similar remake, where the invader is North Korean 26 ). The Soviet, Cuban and Nicaraguan troops invade the
on either side of it. Japan has utilised this provision by limiting its own territorial sea claim to less than 12 miles in the Tsushima/Korea Strait, thus maintaining an EEZ corridor in the middle of the strait. The result is that in the waters immediately adjacent to the coasts of the strait, which are necessarily territorial seas, there exists only a suspendable right of innocent passage (UNCLOS
through intensive farming) of other species of the planet. An analogous denunciation of intensive livestock production is depicted in Cloud Atlas . 42 The movie is set in a futuristic Korea in which human clones are locked up in basements and work without any kind of compensation. To ensure their obedience, humans promise the clones that they will be freed after twelve years of labour. In reality, clones are brought to a slaughterhouse where they are treated exactly like the chickens above. This treatment is justified, according to the humans, by some sort of