Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
By far the most eye-catching and savvy example of the party’s deployment of guerrilla media tactics was its appropriation of John Gilroy’s eradefining mid-twentieth-century Guinness advertising for use in the
campaign against the LisbonTreaty referendum in 2009, which coincided
with the 250th anniversary of the founding of the brewery. The birthday
had spawned a year-long series of events to celebrate the beer which had
so long been a pervasive symbol of Ireland throughout the world. The
famous 1930s and 1940s posters of Toucans bearing the slogan
With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.
Conservative government is
exploring options in what is expected to be a long-drawn-out process of delivering
Brexit. That process officially began on 29 March 2017, when the UK invoked
Article 50 of the LisbonTreaty. Negotiations for exit are supposedly to be concluded within two years.
Behind these events lies a deeper issue, of a changing political and economic
landscape, and the weakening grip of the established two-party system, Labour
and Conservative, on that terrain. There has been a fundamental historical shift,
from a more industrially based economy with a
25:2 (1994), pp. 179–95.
3 Peillon, ‘Placing Ireland in a Comparative Perspective’.
4 Lee Komito, ‘Brokerage or Friendship? Politics and Networks in Ireland’, Economic and
Social Review, 23:2 (1992), pp. 129–42.
5 Denis O’Hearn, The Atlantic Economy: Britain, the US and Ireland (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 2001).
6 Seán Ó Riain, The Rise and Fall of Ireland’s Celtic Tiger: Liberalism, Boom and Bust
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming 2014).
7 John O’Brennan, ‘Ireland Says No Again: The 12 June 2008 Referendum on the Lisbon
and decisions. The ICCPR is not domestically incorporated.
8 The culmination of a process that began with a 2003 Green Paper on procedural
safeguards, followed by a Proposal for a Framework Decision (FD) on certain
Procedural rights in Criminal Proceedings in 2004. When this failed to garner
unanimous approval a step-by-step approach to establishing common minimum
procedural rights was taken, with the right to interpreting and translation the
first step. A proposed FD adopted in July 2009 became obsolete with the entry
into force of the LisbonTreaty. A similar
with new provisions in the LisbonTreaty, the Irish
government put in place a process of ‘structured dialogue’ between the State
and ‘Churches, faith communities and philosophical and non-confessional
organisations’.47 A delegation of the Irish Humanist Association (implicitly
meant to represent the ‘community’ of people with ‘No Religion’) was invited
S chools and the politics of religion and diversity
to participate. The Association was grateful for this opportunity to highlight
issues of discrimination against non-religious people, but after the event
Lisbon. Its goal was to discuss the Treaty of Lisbon, which was to be officially signed by the heads of European member states two months later, on 13 December. On that same day, a demonstration was organised by the Confederaçao Geral dos Trabalhadores Portugueses (General Confederation of the Portugues Workers; CGTP), one of the leading Portuguese trade union confederations, opposing the neoliberal rules contained in the LisbonTreaty regarding labour and employment relationships. According to union sources, 200,000 people were present at the demonstration, which took
also featured an
interview with an exorcist.97 Given McGeough’s background in anti-EU
campaigns, and the prominent place that Ireland’s position within the EU
had in public life, the magazine featured a run of two cover stories: ‘God
Save Ireland’ and an interview with the ‘Millionaire Patriot’, Declan
Ganley, the right-wing millionaire who became the face of the 2008 LisbonTreaty No vote.98 The traditional, right-wing Catholic ethos was strident:
the cover of issue 18 urged Irish women to ‘Have more babies!’ and issue
19 posed the question, ‘Ghosts: are they souls
linked to the wider international struggle
of the poor and oppressed against the rich and powerful.’36 RSF also has
manifest international influences, from European separatist movements
to global liberation struggles; whether it is directly comparable to these
movements remains moot. There is also much that republican groups
agree on – in recent years there has been a unified front in opposition
to a reform of the Republic of Ireland’s continued membership of the
European Union and support for a No vote in the two LisbonTreaty referenda.37 Republican eclecticism