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Nicole Scicluna

the UK has left the EU. At any rate, for both Australia and New Zealand it will be important to pursue a dual-track strategy: cultivating strong The EU in Australia and New Zealand 203 economic links with the EU, while also seeking to establish a post-Brexit trade relationship with the UK as soon as possible. Diplomatic representation Prior to the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the EU was represented in third countries by European Commission Delegations, which were not fully fledged embassies (not being entitled to speak on behalf of the EU member states

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Inter-regionalism in a new era
Julie Gilson

1992 signed the Maastricht Treaty, which established the three-pillar structure of Europe, thereby ensuring that a significant amount of European business (under the “European Community” pillar) would henceforth be conducted at supranational level under the auspices of the Commission, Parliament and Court of Justice. It also led to the creation of the euro zone, a common currency for the majority of EU states. Since that time, additional treaties have further consolidated the legal character of the EU, and in 2009 the Lisbon Treaty increased the number of issue areas

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Suetyi Lai and Li Zhang

160 government officials, journalists and leaders from NGOs and trade unions on a five-to-eight day visit to the EU involving meetings with EU officials every year (Rasmussen, 2009). No EU document clearly states which EU institutions should take the public diplomacy role, as the Council, the Parliament and the Commission can all act for public diplomacy. In practice, the European Commission has been a chief actor, particularly its external directorate-general (DG RELEX). After the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty, it is the European External Action Service (EEAS

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Elena Atanassova-Cornelis

engagement with East Asia and Japan. The Union has sought to enhance its credibility as an international actor by establishing in 1992 a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and by developing since 1999 the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), later called the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) under the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. The Union has also sought to make its “external” face more visible through the creation of the position of High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, currently 166 Selected countries and groups held by Federica

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Miguel Otero-Iglesias

political divisions in Europe. 80 Major issues and themes These differences have increased over the past years. The EU is not only disunited in its foreign relations; the Eurozone crisis, the Grexit and Brexit debates and the West versus East chasm in tackling the migrant crisis have also shown the internal tensions within the club. The truth is that over the past two decades, first with the negotiations of the Lisbon Treaty and then with the aftermath of the global, Eurozone and refugee crises, the EU has been too occupied with sorting out its own house to be able to

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Lessons from the Asia-Pacific
Evangelos Fanoulis

Lisbon Treaty: Neighbours and New Actors in a Changing Security Environment”, Perspectives on European Politics and Society 12 (4): 361–70. Kotsopoulos, John. (2006). “A Human Security Agenda for the EU?”, European Policy Centre Papers 48. Brussels. Long, Stephanie, and Janice Wormworth. (2012). “Tuvalu: Islanders Lose Ground to Rising Seas”, in J. Bakker, S. Leckie and E. Simperingham (eds), Climate Change and Displacement Reader. London: Routledge. Martin, Mary, and Taylor Owen. (2010). “The Second Generation of Human Security: Lessons from the UN and EU Experience

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Kees van der Pijl

presidential elections and when it was expected that the Bush-​era 30 30 Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War enthusiasm for regime change would be scaled back. The EU had, moreover, abandoned its consensual approach in its drive for a European Constitution.133 Though it was voted down in referendums in France and the Netherlands in 2005, the EU rammed it through as the Lisbon Treaty without alterations (apart from trivia such as the ‘European anthem’) in 2007. Coming into force in 2009, it required accession countries not only to open their economies but also align

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
David Brown

police co­operation and counter terrorism at Maastricht, the Commission has witnessed a continued development to its formal position regarding such matters. Firstly, it received a shared right of initiative with the member states as part of the institutional changes agreed at Amsterdam. In the proposed Lisbon Treaty, while a formal sharing arrangement will remain in place, it has been made more complicated for the member states, who will lose their individual right of initiative in favour of a collective right, with initiatives to be proposed by a quarter of member

in The European Union, counter terrorism and police co-operation, 1992–2007
The policy dynamics
Mary C. Murphy

and transparency of the EU and was, arguably, ‘a harbinger of better governance’ (Dinan 2005: 182). The Constitutional Treaty, however, did not garner adequate public support and was effectively abandoned in 2005 following failed referendums in France and the Netherlands. The document was eventually replaced by the Lisbon Treaty (2007). In terms of content, the Lisbon Treaty does not depart substantially from the Constitutional Treaty. The former preserves most of the content of the latter. The Lisbon Treaty outlines the exclusive policy competences of the EU, but

in Northern Ireland and the European Union
The internal dynamics
Mary C. Murphy

approach has included plenary debates on, for example, the Convention on the Future of Europe; the possibility of a UK referendum on the Lisbon Treaty; dual currency status for the Euro in Northern Ireland; and UK withdrawal from the December 2011 EU summit.12 In general, the majority of debates have been relatively harmonious matters, with division at a minimum and a largely pragmatic approach discernible. Nevertheless, on ideological issues, such as the single currency, the Future of Europe and EU treaties, the emergence of predictable partisan positions is obvious. On

in Northern Ireland and the European Union