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Ahmad H. Sa’di

contradicts, but also removes from the field of inquiry any consideration of the forms of power that characterize modern states, namely their use of what Michel Foucault has called ‘bio-politics’: that is, the management of the size, natural growth, ethnic composition, age structure, spatial distribution, health, literacy and educational levels and economic conditions of their populations (see, e.g., Curtis, 2002; Foucault, 2009). The consensus that the new Israeli state had no systematic policy towards its native Arab population and was not intent on managing it is

in Thorough surveillance
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Ahmad H. Sa’di

MUP REVISED PROOF – <STAGE>, 08/20/2013, SPi 4 Divide et impera Categorizing citizens In chapter 2, following Michel Foucault, I argued that an overriding concern of Israel, like all modern states, is the population (bio-politics), although the population at the centre of Israel’s concern overlaps neither with those who live within its boundaries nor with those holding its citizenship (see chapters 1 and 2). Nevertheless, it has been energetically engaged since its inception in the collection of data – its storage, classification and categorization – according

in Thorough surveillance
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Elizabeth Dauphinée

, contradictory representations. Michel Foucault notes that: ‘The clinic was probably the first attempt to order a science on the exercise and decisions of the gaze . . . the medical gaze was also organized in a new way. First, it was no longer the gaze of any observer, but that of a doctor supported and justified by an institution . . . Moreover, it was a gaze that was not bound by the narrow grid of structure . . . but that could and should grasp colours, variations, tiny anomalies . . .’15 John Urry employs this quotation from Foucault’s The Birth of the Clinic in order to

in The ethics of researching war
Ahmad H. Sa’di

time, they were limiting, as they precluded other approaches, viewpoints and attitudes, which would probably have created a different set of state–minority relations. In short, my argument is that these debates were constitutive of an Israeli discourse of the Palestinians. In this, I follow the approaches of Michel Foucault (1981, 1991) and Edward Said (1978, 1983) in the analysis of discourses, where power generates certain modes of thought which attained a status of truism, or official truth; even some such discourses become what Antonio Gramsci (1986) had called

in Thorough surveillance
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Claire Sutherland

(the state is “above” society) and encompassment (the state “encompasses” its localities)’ (Ferguson & Gupta 2002 , 981). They observe that, just as the nation is imagined, or constructed, there is also ‘a taken-for-granted spatial and scalar image of a state that both sits above and contains its localities, regions, and communities’ (Ferguson & Gupta 2002 , 982). Similarly, Michel Foucault ( 1991 , 91

in Soldered states
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Claire Sutherland

city; the capital is like its main square; the roads are like its streets. (Foucault 1984 , 241) Michel Foucault’s description of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century visions of the French city can also be applied to that country’s nineteenth- and twentieth-century colonial ventures. Infrastructure and transport networks were an important feature of colonialism, tracing

in Soldered states
Andrew Whiting

Chapter 2 provides the theoretical framework for the book’s empirical analysis and clarifies a number of theoretical and conceptual tools that are central to this book’s objectives and contributions. Power and security are two such concepts, and the chapter begins by clarifying the conceptualisation of power outlined by Michel Foucault that is adopted in this study by elaborating upon one of his ideas: power/knowledge. From here the chapter hones in on the ‘third modality’ of power, that of governmentality, to demonstrate how this functions across society and the role that the security dispositif plays in allowing this form of power to function. Prior to embarking on the empirical analysis, this chapter’s final section ties together the work on power, governance and security with established work on both ‘epistemic communities’ and ‘security professionals’. I elaborate on these theorisations to link the productive functioning of power with the role particular ‘privileged’ experts play within the dispositif to give meaning to the phenomenon of security, sediment certain understandings, prioritise particular responses and foreclose alternative thinking. It is in this final section where I most explicitly make the argument for the need to conduct constructivist research into private security industry discourse.

in Constructing cybersecurity
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Once upon a time …
Alexander Spencer

an essential part in the way discourse is structured. Narratives are a means of structuring discourse. Correspondingly, the following empirical chapters on pirates, rebels and mercenaries are interested in the structural power of discourse. Drawing on Michel Foucault, the book shares an understanding of discourse that is ‘above’ individual discourse-participants. In contrast to many approaches used in critical discourse analysis, where there is extensive agency over discourse and where discourse is actively used by agents in pursuit of their interests (Fairclough

in Romantic narratives in international politics
Julia Gallagher

frailty and the limiting factor blocking the pursuit of anything morally grander. This approach characterised international relations during the Cold War. It remains powerful in the academy in post-­structuralist forms, including the theories of Michel Foucault, who suggests that human subjectivity is created through flows of power and control (Foucault, 1988). The second and third, both descendents of the Enlightenment, view the good as realisable, either through human organisation or through the abdication of human organisation. The first of these, at its height in

in Britain and Africa under Blair
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Cultures of governance and conflict resolution in the EU and India
J. Peter Burgess, Oliver P. Richmond, and Ranabir Samaddar

, replacing short-term monetary compensations which only foster insurgency. Notes   1  Richmond, Post-liberal Peace; Sweet, ‘Cosmopolitan legal order’; Zaum, ‘Beyond the “liberal peace”’; Mac Ginty and Richmond, Liberal Peace and Post-war Reconstruction; Sabaratnam, ‘Avatars of eurocentrism in the critique of the liberal peace’; Gartzke and Weisiger, ‘Under construction’; Rosamond, ‘Three ways of speaking Europe to the world’. From a theoretical point of view, Michel Foucault’s writings offer a good survey and critique of the global and the liberal views on governance

in Cultures of governance and peace