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Catherine Baker

Serbian aggression, and even the NDH myth of Bosniaks as ‘Islamicised Croats’, could bring Bosniaks potentially closer in the eyes of Croats than in the eyes of Serbs. In practice, dominant Croatian discourses about Bosniaks followed Bosniak–Croat political/military relations in Bosnia-Herzegovina itself. When the Bosnian branch of Croatia's ruling party (HDZ BiH 6 ) and the Croat Defence Council (HVO, the Bosnian Croat armed forces) were allied with the Sarajevo government and the Bosniak-nationalist Party of Democratic Action (SDA), Croatian state media depicted

in Race and the Yugoslav region
The St Vincent and the Grenadines context
Philip Nanton

-century colonial office reports on black and coloured crowd behaviour in Kingstown, and determined the actions to be taken for its suppression. One island administrator, while discussing the threat of the withdrawal of a number of eastern Caribbean island military garrisons, explained its manifestation in the following way: ‘Everyone acquainted with the West Indies must admit that the negroes are highly excitable

in Frontiers of the Caribbean
Catherine Baker

2010 : 79). South-east Europe, peripheral in an Istanbul/Anatolia-centred empire but the frontline of Ottoman–Habsburg–Venetian imperial–territorial competition, experienced new outward migrations imposed by, or adapting to, Ottoman rule. The ‘devširme’/‘devşirme’ system, until the mid-seventeenth century, made Balkan and Anatolian rural communities provide annual levies of Christian boys for training as an administrative and military corps loyal only to the Sultan not Anatolian nobility. These often retained links to their birthplace, like Grand

in Race and the Yugoslav region
On mediated unity and overarching legal-political form
Darrow Schecter

capable of exercising control over crucial areas of policy is non-​interference from ecclesiastical authority.19 Another is the elimination (or at least greatest possible marginalisation) of rival military factions, and the subordination of the official police and armed forces at sea and on land (and eventually in the air) to centralised political power. Professionalisation of public office across the board –​especially in the civil service –​tends to accompany the centralisation of military and security authorities and their subordination to the state, so that 44

in Critical theory and sociological theory
Eurosclerosis (1959– 84) and the second phase of integration (1985– 2003)
Peter J. Verovšek

A bellicose past entangled all European nations in bloody conflicts. They drew a conclusion from that military and spiritual mobilisation … the imperative of developing new, supranational forms of cooperation after the Second World War. Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (2003) The classic narrative of integration In the previous chapter I showed how Monnet, Schuman, and Adenauer drew on the resources of collective memory they had obtained as a result of the narrative break of 1945 to imagine, motivate, and

in Memory and the future of Europe
Abstract only
Legal pluralism in the world society
Gunther Teubner

based on the worldwide hegemony of a political-military-moral complex. In Eugen Ehrlich's ‘Global Bukowina’, it is civil society itself that will globalise its legal orders, distancing itself as it does so from the political power complex in the Brave New World's Vienna. Although Eugen Ehrlich's theory turned out to be wrong as regards the national law of Austria, I believe that it will turn out to be

in Critical theory and legal autopoiesis
Open Access (free)
Frontier patterns old and new
Philip Nanton

of reasons – economic practices, belief systems and patterns of migration – long been circumscribed. Accommodation of illegality and weakness of State institutions appear to go hand in hand, so when the State does lash out, its actions are often extreme: witness the periodic wholesale burning of ganja fields and the military-style operation to arrest ‘Dudus’ Coke in Tivoli Gardens, Kingston as recent

in Frontiers of the Caribbean
Poulantzas, Laclau, Hall
Paul K. Jones

dominated primarily through coercion. Gramsci's proposed typology suggests a continuum from military coup d’états through to progressive forms of Caesarism (Napoleon I). 13 However, Gramsci also makes explicit that ‘in the modern world’ the preconditions for either ‘Napoleon I’ or Napoleon III (Caesarism) have changed, most notably in the decline of the military's political role and the rise of ‘modern political techniques’ related to the ‘expansion of parliamentarism and the associative systems of union and party’ as well

in Critical theory and demagogic populism
On the sociological paradoxes of weak dialectical formalism and embedded neoliberalism
Darrow Schecter

paradoxical sense relating to the reality of a historically unique example of institutional form (the early modern state in Europe and North America, subsequently imposed or adopted elsewhere) which is capable, to significantly differing extents depending on the country in question, of reconciling countervailing tendencies. That is, differentiation and de-​centralisation unfold within a framework that in prin­ ciple remains centralised with regard to the key domains of taxation, military authority, public courts, and questions of justice. One is thus trying to explain a

in Critical theory and sociological theory
Memory, leadership, and the fi rst phase of integration (1945– 58)
Peter J. Verovšek

with almost complete sovereignty. His only condition was that Germany not be allowed to enter into ‘any organisations inimical to democracy’ or ‘any kind of coalition or military alliance directed against any power which took part … in war against Germany.’ 65 Adenauer immediately saw this as a ploy designed to prevent European integration. He rejected it out of hand: ‘Under no circumstances must we arouse suspicion that we are wavering in our policy.’ 66 Not all Germans were willing to let go of the eastern half of their country in exchange for integration

in Memory and the future of Europe