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Series: Artes Liberales
Author: Lindy Brady

The Welsh borderlands were a distinctive territory where two peoples came together throughout the Anglo-Saxon period. It was here that men skilled at law drew up the Dunsate Agreement, to solve the impending problems with cattle theft. This book explores what sets the Dunsate Agreement apart from other Anglo-Saxon law codes grappling with cattle theft, highlighting that creators of this document, and the community that it concerns, included both Anglo-Saxons and Welsh. It argues that the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle represents the military culture of the Welsh borderlands in a distinctive way which aligns its inhabitants with outlaws. The book articulates a discernible culture in the Welsh borderlands prior to 1066. Bede's The Historia Ecclesiastica has long been interpreted as a narrative of Anglo/British strife. His rancour towards the pagan Mercians provides substantial information about the life of Penda of Mercia, whose entire reign over this borderlands kingdom was defined by consistent political and military unity with Welsh rulers. Expanding on the mixed culture, the book examines the various Latin and Old English Lives of the popular Anglo-Saxon saint, Guthlac of Crowland. Vernacular literary tradition reveals a group of Old English riddles that link the 'dark Welsh' to agricultural labour through the cattle they herd, and who have long been understood to show the Welsh as slaves. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is frequently cited as a paradigm of Anglo/Welsh antagonism. The book reveals that the impact of the Norman Conquest on the Anglo-Welsh border region was much greater than previously realised.

Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

within a convention which dated from the poetry of Maximillian; therefore he wrote of eyes that shine like stars or teeth like ivory.11 Orderis Vitalis’s view of women’s power in the context of their political and warlike activity, like his view of men, is ambiguous, and by no means monolithic.12 For example, Orderic described women actively engaged in the military campaigns of their husbands. Isabel of Conches rode out to war ‘armed as a knight among the knights, and she showed no less courage among the knights in hauberks than did the maid Camilla’.13 His story

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

alienations in favour of Spalding Priory conjointly with her husbands. Yet it was as a widow that she acted independently when she founded Stixwould Priory. Matilda countess of Chester was active in her husband’s military initiatives and likewise made religious benefactions 197 conclusion conjointly with Earl Ranulf, yet the charter evidence shows that she too, like Lucy, had more power and authority to act independently as a widow. This pattern is confirmed by other examples of powerful countesses, such as Matilda de Percy and Margaret de Bohun. Noblewomen’s roles

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

military service as the key to understanding society, believed that the principle of dower was in opposition to ‘feudalism’, since women were ‘useless for performing suit at court’. More recently, however, Joseph Biancalana traced the developments of writs of dower to clarify the way that common law developed and stressed that dower was necessary to the structuring of land and marriage markets.20 Janet Senderowitz Loengard analysed dower to argue that its allocation was open to many variables, militated against the consolidation of family lands and could cause litigation

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Susan M. Johns

a palfrey.15 Matilda countess of Warwick received 15s and a palfrey from Henry du Puiset, her nephew by an illegitimate daughter of her father, when she enfeoffed him with lands worth a quarter of a knight’s fee c. 1175–94.16 The sparsity of the evidence relating to the receipt of gifts such as horses as countergifts suggests that objects and accoutrements associated with horses were deemed more appropriate for male recipients. This was possibly related to ideas about lordship as a male role, and also military functions, which of course were generally associated

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

conduit of religious patronage. Likewise, Petronella countess of Leicester (d. 1 April 1212) co-granted charters with her husband and as widow (after his death in 1190) granted and acquired a seal.89 Her husband Earl Robert gave land to St Mary’s Evreux in 1189–90 for the souls of his parents, Petronella and his children.90 There is also evidence to show that, like Matilda, the countess of Chester in 1141, she was involved in the military campaigns of her husband. In 1173–74 she was captured with him at the battle of Fornham when he rebelled against Henry II.91 Yet it

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
The Rotuli de Dominabus et Pueris et Puellis de XII Comitatibus of 1185
Susan M. Johns

mostly been used to study the institution of dower: see Haskins, ‘Development of common law dower’, pp. 91–116, who sees dower as a threat to a military economy. Senderowitz Loengard, ‘Of the gift of her husband’, pp. 215–55; Sheridan Walker, ‘Feudal constraints and free consent in the making of marriages’, pp. 97–109, discusses the RD in the context of widows and remarriage, and her ‘Free consent and marriage of feudal wards in medieval England’ JMH, 8 (1982), 123–34, discusses the remarriage of male wards with reference to the RD, and stresses that widows and wards

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

masculinity, c. 900’, in D. M. Hadley (ed.), Masculinity in Medieval Europe (London and New York: Addison Wesley Longman, 1998), p. 142; whilst M. Bennett argues that men were offered ‘flawed models of archetypes’: ‘Military masculinity in England and northern France, c. 1050–c. 1225’, in ibid., p. 88. Harvey and McGuinness, Guide to British Medieval Seals, pp. 48–9. Chassel, ‘L’usage du sceau’, pp. 84, 89. For notions of authority conveyed by seals and their validatory functions see ibid., pp. 76–8. D. Crouch, The Image of Aristocracy, 1000–1300 (London: Routledge, 1992

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm

After many years at the margins of historical investigation, the late medieval English gentry are widely regarded as an important and worthy subject for academic research. This book aims to explore the culture of the wide range of people whom we might include within the late medieval gentry, taking in all of landed society below the peerage, from knights down to gentlemen, and including those aspirants to gentility who might under traditional socio-economic terms be excluded from the group. It begins by exploring the origins of, and influences on, the culture of the late medieval gentry, thus contributing to the ongoing debate on defining the membership of this group. The book considers the gentry's emergence as a group distinct from the nobility, and looks at the various available routes to gentility. Through surveys of the gentry's military background, administrative and political roles, social behaviour, and education, it seeks to provide an overview of how the group's culture evolved, and how it was disseminated. The book offers a broad view of late medieval gentry culture, which explores, reassesses and indeed sometimes even challenges the idea that members of the gentry cultivated their own distinctive cultural identity. The evolution of the gentleman as a peer-assessed phenomenon, gentlemanly behaviour within the chivalric tradition, the education received by gentle children, and the surviving gentry correspondence are also discussed. Although the Church had an ambivalent attitude toward artistic expression, much of the gentry's involvement with the visual arts was religious in focus.

Abstract only
Immigrant England
Mark Ormrod, Bart Lambert, and Jonathan Mackman

of the present study, a little more should be said here about the circumstances under which this new tax was introduced in 1440 and perpetuated for nearly a half-century thereafter. 25 The tax was granted by the English Parliament at a moment of particularly high tension in Anglo-French relations when, as a result of a series of disastrous diplomatic and military setbacks, there was a very real risk that England would lose all her remaining possessions in France and suffer direct coastal attacks and even full-scale invasion. Suspicion therefore fell not just upon

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550